Thursday, 26 June 2014

DEMAND QUEEN BOYCOTT ORANGE ORDER SEX WITH GOATS

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The blasphemous Orange Order ceremony, for all Orange Order initiates in British Occupied Ireland is described by a former Orange man as follows: "In the many initiations I observed as a senior Orangeman or in those that I actually took part in, I saw a lot of variations of this kind of fraternity. The common thing in the many disturbing Orange Order practices, was this business about every Orangeman in his initiation ceremony, riding the goat, which essentially involved placing his member in a Goat's anus, after it was suitably sanitized with cunnilingu,s by some traditional practices of orange maidens, discreetly off the the order's premises of course, for sanitary reasons, although on one occasion, when I raised the matter of safety, my concerns were at one stage aroused, by a fellow from Banbridge, who simply winked at me and said they'd only lost a couple of candidates in the last few years through death by violence, when the goats kicked some young women to death when excited, but he reassured me, by telling me I shouldn't worry and the Grand master sorted it out with the local authorities, including the RUC/PSNI paramilitary police, who were all secret brethern. It was he said just accidents, simply all done in the manner of a good-natured teasing."


It is interesting when one recalls Albert Pike's teaching about the he-goat of the witches' sabbat, and the way witches in the Middle Ages demonstrated their allegiance to Satan. They had to consent to sexual intercourse with 'the goat, often a high priest, disguised or rigged up with a goat's head, but often with a real demonic form, which looked goat-like. Or they performed the so-called osculum infamum (obscene kiss) which involved fellatio and kissing the goat's backside to show their fealty to Satan" (Beyond The Light p. 87). This is still a critical part of the initiation ceremonies of the Orange Order, which accounts for a very  high rate ofvenereal disease ,among the Loyalist community. Coupled with their fascism, it has created some bad press for the Orange Order, who are described in the modern Urban Dictionary as follows. It is also believed that Martin McGuinness has recently joined the Orange Order, as a cross community exercise and perhaps other reasons. Some argue that the Orange Order is a healthy outlet for latent bestial desires of the Loyalist community, who are sponsored by the British Government to rule Occupied Ireland with some token representatives of the natives.





orangeman


inbred bigoted fat bowler hat wearing protestant bastards who beat their wives and childern. these cunts claim to be 'holy' and 'pious' when trutly they are no better than the KKK. these inbreds also love to insult and annoy the good catholic people in the occupied six counties of the north of ireland with their annual marching through catholic areas. they cling to a distant memory of the battle of the boyne where the protestant william of orange defeated the good catholic king james in 1690. grow up lads its 2006.


the orangeman hate catholics and are very similar to the KKK.


by boo hoo October 05, 2006





372 194



Merch

Words related to orangeman

prod hun loyalist protestant akron snout bigot brit cunt mcmansion northern ireland ohio orange scum ulster unionist akron public schools boehnerdowntown montrose effect


Random Word


2.





orangeman


see del monte


olsterrr saiis nooo!. I'm an orangemannn.


by John Ronane January 28, 2004





254 90



Merch



3.





orangeman


inbred, protestant Ulsterman slightly to the right of the Ku Klux Klan with a propensity for the behinds of pimply faced schoolboys


"don't insult the bloody homos, he's a fuckin' orangeman"


by Ian Paisley Adams April 28, 2003





273 138



Merch


4.





orangeman


a member of a secret women beating catholic killing society founded in the north of ireland to celebrate the battle of the boyne in 1690. all members are protestants and think they have the right to march where ever they want. celebration day is the 12th of july. they also dont watch tv, or go to the cinema and profess not to drink. the wife of an orangeman can be recognised by having a bruised face or a black eye and no teeth. also similar to the free masons the KKK and have strong links with terrorists and right wing racist organizations


mother fucking stinkin dirty orangeman bastards, i see they murdered another catholic child last night. i wish all them orange bastards would fuck off back to britain where they belong


by da origanal playa May 17, 2006





329 196



Merch


5.





Orangeman


Stupid Northern Irish protestants who can't spell the word families but insist on spelling it familys.

Orangemen remember the battle of the boyne, fought in 1690. They have marched on the 12th of July for many hundreds of years commemorating the victory of William of Orange, a protestant Dutch prince, over the catholic, Scottish King James.

The only time in recent memory they did not march was during the two World Wars. The reason for this was because they didn't want the Brits to see that they were all hiding in their houses and to afraid to go to war and fight for their country. Unlike the catholics who signed up in large numbers to fight the Germans.


See that usless pile of shite shaking in his boots, that's a typical orangeman.


by undisclosed desires February 25, 2010





272 140



Merch


6.





Orangeman


Dickhead who likes a dander with umbrella in hand, rain or shine. Doesn't believe in Evolution and ironically his existence poses a problem for the theory.

Speaks Ulstur-Skatch, or at least likes to think he does.

Got his arse felt at the Somme, and sat the next round out in the shipyards, not even marching in case someone noticed him and sent him to France.

He's permanently raging, and hates everyone who isn't of his ilk. In short, a fucknut.


No point trying to talk sense into him, he's an orangeman


by P O'Neil April 05, 2010





279 176



Merch



7.





Orange Man


A prejudiced person who is intolerant of opinions, lifestyles or identities differing from his own.

A member of a sectarian and racist hate organisation known as the Orange Order, akin to the Klu Klux Klan.

A cunt.


An Orange Man was recently seen eating pies, being fat and acting the cunt. So nothing new then.


by DanDuff July 20, 2006










There is no greater proof of the corrupt nature of the Orange Order than the demeaning farce of its     initiation ceremony and the fact that many of their wives have attested to contracting AIDS as result of their husbands keeping it secret. Wives of Loyalists are strongly advised to insist their husband wear a condom or abstain entirely, because this is a matter of the utmost secrecy which husbands will not divulge. How anyone can interpret their ceremony, as anything other than an organised disgrace defies belief. One wonders how any Christian of any sort, could defend such an irreligious, barbaric sham and explain how it promotes holy, Christian living or respect for one's fellow man.It is worse than the threesomes conducted bt Mrs Robinson in East Belfast and clearly anti Christian. The Bible solemnly states: "be ye clean, that bear the vessels of the LORD" (Isaiah 52:11).






Describing the practices of the Orange Order one Grandmaster of the Grand Orange of Scotland asserted: "Viewed in relation to religion not only are they useless but profane and degrading, and the British Royla Family ought to restrain their own men who practice with them from laughing at the buffoonery of their Orange brethern in Occupied Ireland."






Another member in Belfast recently attested in private, under pain of death, that on April 27th that he was being initiated into an Orange Lodge, when he was blindfolded and tossed so violently in a net, that his spine was broken at the neck. He also gave evidence of how another, while being initiated at a local Orange hall in Belfast, was also blindfolded, and while in the act of mounting a table, he fell backwards and was killed, which was covered up by all officials in the area, who were all orangemen and covered for each other.






Such violence within the Orange Order had them previously banned as an illegal organization but the British Government lifted the ban, so that they could prevent a United Ireland with their tactic of divide and conquer with British mentored sectarian killing and fear mongering in British Occupied Ireland. Clearly it is time they were made illegal in the same way as the KKK in the USA but the British Monarchy and Queen provide them with protection so people will have to organize themselves to Disband the evil Orange Order once and for all otherwise these barbaric practice will continue for several more centuries.


ORANGE ORDER ORGIES EYES WIDE SHUT SICK AS OUR SECRETS CONSPIRACY




Mosley in Ireland



Maurice Walsh




The first time I met Oliver Cromwell
The poor man was visibly distressed.
‘Buffun,’ says he, ‘things are gone to the devil
In England. So I popped over here for a rest.
Say what you will about Ireland, where on
Earth could a harassed statesman find peace like
This in green unperturbed oblivion? …’

Brendan Kennelly, from ‘Cromwell’


1

In 1951, John Arthur Burdett Trench – obsessive huntsman since the age of eight, polo player and, in his mid sixties, possessor of a memory of having ridden home the winner of the Grand National at Fairyhouse at a time when English officers could still relax in the grandstand – sold Clonfert Palace near Eyrecourt in Co. Galway to an English family not long arrived in Ireland. The house had belonged to the Trenches for generations and had once been the residence of Church of Ireland bishops. It stood on the flood plain of the Shannon, a short walk from Clonfert Cathedral, hidden away behind its famous avenue of yew trees, an inconspicuous island of Ascendancy civility on the frontier of the vast bog. Like many other ancient mansions, its comforts and refinements had not survived the privations of the twentieth century and it was badly in need of restoration. Every day for months the new lady of the house would drive across the bogland roads from her temporary accommodation in Tipperary to supervise the installation of bathrooms, electricity and central heating, an Aga in the kitchen. Word spread that Clonfert Palace was being returned to its former glory and that there was work to be had from the new owners. They turned the ballroom into a drawing room and brought a carpenter from Banagher to build bookshelves that covered an entire wall. They filled the once-dilapidated rooms with fine furniture, replaced the broken sash cords on the windows, draped curtains made to measure in Dublin and hung paintings of their ancestors on the wall. They recruited a gardener, a housekeeper and a cook. Occasionally the lady’s husband would arrive in a large, exotic Buick driven by a French chauffeur.

Soon, it became known that the family bringing Clonfert Palace back to life was Sir Oswald and Lady Diana Mosley and their two sons. On the fifteenth of February 1952, the Westmeath Independent carried a short item entitled ‘Distinguished Residents’, disclosing that the previous Friday the Mosley family had ‘moved into occupation’ of the palace. ‘Sir Oswald and Lady Mosley, who have a large staff, are charmed with Ireland, its people, the tempo of its life and its scenery,’ the paper related, dutifully informing readers in a final sentence that ‘Sir Oswald was the former leader of a political movement in England.’


2

Many years before he became the nearest thing to a British Mussolini in the 1930s, Oswald Mosley achieved political prominence as a parliamentary critic of Lloyd George’s campaign to use the Black and Tans to crush the IRA. Late in 1920, as a twenty-four-year-old Conservative MP, he was a believer in the League of Nations and condemned the Amritsar massacre in India as ‘Prussian frightfulness inspired by racism’. In his memoir, My Life, published in 1968, Mosley recalled that the war in Ireland had ‘evoked intense moral feeling’. With each atrocity committed by the Black and Tans he felt ‘that the name of Britain was being disgraced, every rule of good soldierly conduct disregarded, and every decent instinct of humanity outraged’. Mosley was one of a small handful of MPs who pursued Lloyd George and his blustering secretary for Ireland, Sir Hamar Greenwood, over the unacknowledged policy of reprisals.

Mosley’s speeches and questions, preserved in the columns of Hansard, are fluent, precise and lucid: reading them evokes the pleasure of observing a clever barrister at work in a trial. At the time he betrayed no sympathy for the IRA. In one of his early contributions he accepted that ‘in the present state of Ireland one certainly cannot deny the right to shoot a man who, when challenged, refuses to hold up his hands. Anything of that sort is perfectly legitimate.’ And after the Bloody Sunday massacres Mosley told the Commons that law-abiding people in Ireland were being intimidated by ‘a small gang of desperate men’, or, as he put it shortly afterwards, ‘the murder gang of Sinn Féin’. The root of Mosley’s case against the Black and Tans was that their behaviour undermined the superiority of British imperial rule. ‘No Empire, no Government, has been long sustained except by the power of moral force,’ he told the House of Commons after Bloody Sunday. ‘Our Empire stands alone, from the Imperial ruins of history, in its recognition of and obedience to this fundamental law. It is because I am a passionate believer in the destiny and in the yet unfulfilled mission of British Empire, that I am unwilling to sacrifice the inviolate tradition of the ages even to satisfy the transient purpose of this gambler’s expedient …’

Mosley’s own solution to the Irish question was a version of the agreement by which the United States granted Cuba independence after the Spanish– American war but reserved the right to invade if any disturbance threatened American interests. Under such an arrangement between Britain and an independent Ireland, Mosley wrote, any infringement could legitimately provoke ‘a bombardment of Dublin and all the principal cities of Ireland from sea and air’. Mosley was certain it would never come to that because a government supported by the Irish people would guarantee British interests, especially since, as he presciently noted, all the signs were that the first Irish government would be conservative and stable.

To read Mosley’s memoir is to come away with the impression that he single-handedly dragged the damning evidence of the atrocities committed by the Black and Tans into the spotlight and created a scandal in parliament. He was not the only MP, however, to ask uncomfortable questions amidst a fear that the campaign in Ireland threw a spotlight on the unacceptable face of imperial policing. And crusading British newspaper correspondents, aided by Sinn Féin propaganda, did as much to disseminate the detail of the Black and Tan atrocities as the Peace with Ireland Council, the extra-parliamentary pressure group that Mosley helped to run. But Mosley’s decision in November 1920 to break with the Conservative Party and Lloyd George’s coalition government over the reprisals in Ireland was the making of his parliamentary reputation. Thereafter, he followed a dizzying trajectory, joining the Labour Party and becoming a junior minister in the minority Labour government of 1929; resigning the following year when the cabinet rejected his radical plan for large-scale borrowing and public works to deal with the colossal unemployment caused by the Depression; founding a new party and, eventually, launching the British Union of Fascists in 1932. His denunciation of the Black and Tans survived this political odyssey to achieve a permanent place in the Mosley myth. In 1923 T.P. O’Connor, the veteran Home Rule MP for Liverpool, had written to Mosley’s first wife, Cynthia, praising him as ‘the man who really began the break up of the Black and Tan savagery’. A decade later this reputation was revived in an attempt to attract Irish emigrants in Britain to the fascist cause. Studies of the membership of the British Union of Fascists are imprecise as to how many recruits were of Irish origin, but circumstantial evidence suggests the number may have been substantial. Several fascist leaders in the north of England were Catholic; there were so many in Leeds that Mosley was known there as ‘The Pope’. T.P. O’Connor’s letter was quoted from platforms when Mosley made an explicit appeal for the Irish vote in local elections in London in 1937.

The irony, of course, was that Mosley’s most prominent Irish acolyte, William Joyce, had been an ostentatious sympathizer with the Black and Tans as a sixteen-year-old in Galway. Mosley ended up hating Joyce (largely because he sensed a potential rival), but by the end of the war Mosley and Lord Haw Haw – as Joyce was now universally known – were synonymous in the British public imagination with betrayal. Despite insisting that if the Germans invaded he would wear a uniform and fight for his country, Mosley had been interned in 1940 as a potential quisling. He was released three years later because of his poor health, although his glamorous marriage and connections (Mosley’s first wife, Cynthia, was the daughter of Lord Curzon, once viceroy of India, and his second, Diana, was one of the famous Mitford sisters related to Winston Churchill) also helped him receive more lenient treatment than many other members of the BUF, who languished in jail throughout the war and emerged broken men. In his memoir, Beyond the Pale, Nicholas Mosley (his son from his first marriage) recalls that the revulsion against his father was so strong that booths were erected on street corners in London to gather signatures to petition for his re-imprisonment.

At this low point, effectively the end of his political career, Mosley received a letter from Ireland which became just as important to him as T.P. O’Connor’s testimonial in 1923. It arrived at his London address shortly after he was released from Holloway prison and placed under house arrest. In two neat, tightl
Scheduley packed sheets of thick writing paper, J.D. O’Connell, the county solicitor for Kerry, reminded Mosley that they had met in London 1921 when O’Connell, then a prominent member of Sinn Féin, had been lobbying against the Black and Tans. The solicitor in Tralee assured Mosley that ‘your good name will be remembered here long after those who now try to belittle you will be clean forgotten’. He then took it upon himself, on behalf of the Irish people, to invite Sir Oswald and his wife to take advantage of a native hospitality for which he half apologized in advance: ‘We are neutral in the present turmoil. If you and Lady Mosley are at liberty to come here we should be very happy indeed to receive you in our own poor and humble ways.’ Sir Oswald’s predicament, O’Connell told him, was equivalent to the type of persecution the Irish themselves had suffered. ‘We in this country have been called nasty names and we have experience of internment camps, and so we understand your position.’

It was three years before Mosley acted on O’Connell’s suggestion. In 1946, through his solicitor, Mosley told officials in Dublin that he was interested in settling in Ireland. De Valera was consulted and Mosley’s solicitor was summoned to the Department of Justice to be told that ‘the time was perhaps not opportune for him to take up permanent residence and that he might delay his decision for some time until international tempers were quieter’. Five years later with the hostility he encountered in Britain showing no sign of abating, Mosley moved to Ireland.


3

Mosley had been trying to gather the remnants of his supporters into a new organization called the Union Movement. In a statement published in theUnion newspaper in March 1951, Mosley said he had come to Ireland because it was a free country, whereas England had become ‘an Island Prison’. He told his followers that as a guest in Ireland he would take no part in Irish politics: ‘Long ago I fought in Parliament for the freedom of Ireland, and for the right of the Irish people to manage their own affairs. Therefore the last thing I should now try to do would be to interfere in them.’ This promise served as a public reassurance to the authorities in Dublin that he would not be an embarrassment, as well as a reminder that he had once been a famous friend of Irish nationalism. Union printed two letters criticizing Mosley for leaving, one of them likening his withdrawal across the Irish Sea to the action of a military leader deserting his troops: ‘I do feel that a general should remain in the field with his men rather than back at H.Q. miles away, if you get my point … I wonder what would have happened if Hitler had gone and lived in Italy after he came out of prison in the early days.’ Freedom was not the only advantage that Ireland offered. Mosley’s second wife, Diana Mitford, was well connected there. Her younger sister Deborah was married to the Duke of Devonshire and lived at Lismore Castle in Co. Waterford. Her older sister Pamela was married to the physicist Derek Jackson, who had known Mosley since the 1930s, and they lived at Tullamaine Castle in Co. Tipperary. This is where the Mosleys stayed while they searched Ireland for a suitable house.

It was a good time to be on the lookout for a lofty residence going cheap. Many Big Houses had been burned to the ground or abandoned during the revolution; others were boarded up or left in a state of neglect during the economic war of the 1930s. The vital social hinterland of these houses and their inhabitants had vanished; there were no dashing young officers to grace winter balls or amuse the ladies during tennis parties in the summer. Nor were the Big Houses any longer, in De Valera’s Ireland, beacons of authority in the social order: that position was now occupied by the cosy homesteads of the peasant farmers who had once been tenants.

The privations of the war, the levelling force of the mobilization it made necessary and the dream of a welfare state it engendered made Atlee’s Britain a markedly less congenial place for the landed elite and aristocratic gentry than the country Neville Chamberlain had reluctantly and belatedly placed in Hitler’s path. By the mid fifties a British country house was being demolished almost every week. Some members of the embattled aristocracy looked to Ireland as a place where the old world could be recreated. Dublin auctioneers acting for English clients in search of property placed advertisements in local newspapers. In 1946 Evelyn Waugh toured Ireland searching for a romantic pile. He made an offer to the owners of Gormanston Castle in Co. Meath but withdrew it when he heard that Billy Butlin was thinking of building a holiday camp nearby. Vita Sackville-West’s brother, Edward, moved to a country house in Tipperary in 1956 and found to his delight that Ireland was like Portugal, possessed of the same ‘backwaters quality & the equally warm, intensely religious peasantry’. Even Americans found that Ireland was somewhere one could play at being gentry. When ice and snow closed down their own hunts in the winter of 1952, a party of wealthy New Yorkers spent a month in Galway hunting with the Blazers and living at the Great Southern Hotel. That same year the film director John Huston rented a Georgian mansion in Co. Kildare and discovered that Ireland was ‘a wonderful place for a man to go when he’s tired of fighting traffic and taxes’. Three years later he purchased an eighteenth-century mansion near Galway Bay and hired a staff of eight to look after the grounds, his family and their guests. He was enchanted by the hunting life, the intimacy of social relations and the generous hospitality, reckoning that Ireland in the 1950s was what the Old South in the United States must have been like.

This influx of British aristocrats and arriviste Americans was much commented on at the time, and made a vivid contrast with the mass emigration that was depopulating virtually every town and village in the country. In a book of essays called The Vanishing Irish, which gathered contributions from contemporary commentators on the pressing questions of emigration and the low birth rate, Edmund J. Murray described the influx of wealthy estate-seekers as ‘a new plantation movement in Anglo-Irish history on a money-for-acre basis, rather than by royal grant’. Shane Leslie was sure who the speculators were: ‘Jews (and can you blame them?) have bought up many urban properties and leading stores and shops. The English and Scotch follow them.’ The truth was, however, that the Irish state held well-bred Englishmen with cash in greater esteem than industrious Jewish refugees. We know this because in a memorandum written during the war, the secretary of the Department of Justice worried that emergency measures designed to keep out ‘Jews and other undesirables’ might have to be revoked if they deterred wealthy English people from moving to Ireland.


4

Today, Clonfert Palace looks like a well-preserved ruin. Trees, nettles and thistles grow in the middle of it but the outer walls have been remarkably sturdy, belying the little yellow plastic signs warning that they might come tumbling down. What once had been lawns and gardens in front of the mansion is now a large field. When I first went there three summers ago with Christy Cunniffe, whose parents and grandfather had worked in the grounds, a flock of boisterous black-faced sheep came running toward us, nosing my notebook. ‘They’ll eat the notebook,’ I said. ‘They’d eat yourself,’ Christy said. Small white clouds skirred across the blue sky and I tried to imagine Oswald Mosley standing here on an August day fifty years before, surveying the generous acres that secluded him from a hostile world.

A few months after moving to Clonfert, Oswald Mosley opened an account at the Bank of Ireland in College Green in Dublin to trade in stocks and shares. He had holdings in major American corporations like Phelps Dodge and Twentieth Century Fox, Brazilian Light and Power and South African mines. He and Diana continued to refine Clonfert Palace to their taste. They brought over from London gilt-framed chairs, mahogany cupboards and cabinets, a gilt oval table, wool carpets, a bronze eighteenth-century bust and some Nankin treasures.

Daily life at Clonfert was self-contained. The two boys were educated at home by a tutor called Leigh Williams. Alexander was bookish but Max was wild. His love of hunting was indulged by his parents; sometimes he would ride off with a little food and water and not be seen for days. Max was also a prankster who laughed at admonishment. Once, he put six-inch nails on the lawn when Harry Cunniffe, the gardener, was trying out his new mower.

Sir Oswald would take his breakfast in bed. The Irish Times and Financial Times would be delivered from Eyrecourt. Lady Mosley would give her orders for the day to Mrs Swan, the cook. When Sir Oswald surfaced he might go for a long walk along the Shannon, passing the barges hauling cargoes of porter, coal or flour. On return he would set to work in his study. Nicholas Mosley has written about his father’s attachment to ‘the hierarchical … classless patterns of life … in the semi-feudal grandeur’ of the estate where he grew up in Staffordshire; in Clonfert Mosley seems to have replicated this idyll. Just as his grandfather had produced wholemeal bread, Sir Oswald supervised the growing of vegetables and ploughed the paddock to plant lucerne, a clover-like plant used for fodder.

Now and again he might turn up at a gymkhana or an agricultural show in the grounds of the workhouse in Portumna, but rarely did Sir Oswald attract public attention in Ireland. Just over a year after he arrived in Clonfert the German chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, accused Mosley of sending money to help Werner Naumann, a former associate of Hitler who had been arrested by the British occupation authorities for trying to infiltrate neo-Nazis into positions of influence in West Germany. When Adenauer’s accusations appeared in the press, the issue was raised in the House of Commons and it was pointed out that Mosley was now a resident of Ireland. In Dublin, a question was put down in the Dáil for the Minister for Finance, Sean MacEntee, asking if Mosley had transferred money to Germany from Ireland. In a written reply, MacEntee said no exchange-control approval had been given for any transfer of funds by Mosley to Germany. But a briefing note prepared for MacEntee at the time discloses how after several pleas from Mosley’s accountants in Dublin, officials at the Department of Finance quietly relaxed rules forbidding Irish residents from opening foreign bank accounts and allowed Mosley to open an account in Paris so that he could lodge payments from a Swiss publisher (another neo-Nazi, although they didn’t appear to be aware of it). This money, they acknowledged, could have been transferred to Germany by Mosley without any need for permission. The officials revealed in their briefing note to the Minister that one of the reasons they bent the rules for Mosley was because ‘he is a man of considerable wealth and should be encouraged to retain his Irish domicile’.

Mosley accepted an invitation to speak at a meeting of Trinity College Philosophical Society in October 1954 on the subject of how to avoid a Third World War. Some college officials objected to the invitation on the grounds that to give Mosley a platform was carrying free speech too far, but the event went ahead without much incident. The British Labour MP Hector Hughes came all the way from London but refused to speak. Mosley was heard respectfully by an audience that included women for the first time in the Phil’s history. He argued that a small band of highly trained guerrillas could defeat the world’s greatest military powers if they had the support of a civilian population, an allusion to not-so-distant history that might have gone down better with a different Irish audience. ‘The future’, Sir Oswald prophesied, ‘belongs to the people who can produce a great idea.’ Senator Owen Sheehy Skeffington was among a handful of people who afterwards wrote to the president of the Phil to protest against Mosley’s appearance. He explained to the Irish Times that he objected not to hearing a fascist per se but ‘to allowing a speech by Mosley to be made a feature of a college public occasion’.

A curious feature of the coverage of Mosley’s appearance at Trinity in theIrish Times and elsewhere was the omission of any mention that he lived in Ireland. This silence may have arisen from a sense or a wish that he was, as The Leader described him in a commentary on the Trinity controversy, ‘simply a survivor of an earlier era, without significance to the political life of this generation’. This certainly was the hope of the military intelligence officers who had kept an eye on him from the moment he arrived in the country. A month after the Mosleys had moved into Clonfert Palace, Colonel Dan Bryan wrote to the secretary of the Department of External Affairs, Sean Nunan, to reassure him that Mosley seemed to have kept his promise: there was no evidence of Mosley taking part in any political activities in Ireland. ‘My information’, wrote Bryan, ‘is that he seems more or less to have lost interest in the remnants of his Union movement in England.’ Mosley’s movements between Clonfert and Lismore or Clonfert and Paris – where in 1951 he and Diana had bought a house called Le Temple de la Gloire, which gradually became their favourite residence – were recorded in a series of terse memos from military intelligence to the Department of Justice. This information was then relayed to the British embassy; there was some concern among officials that it should be passed on verbally and not in writing. In September 1952 the British ambassador in Dublin, John Chadwick, informed the Department of Justice that he had information from London that Mosley was due to meet leaders of the Union movement at the Russell Hotel in Dublin at the end of the month. ‘It is thought in London that Mosley today is a spent force politically and that he has little security interest,’ Chadwick wrote. ‘Despite this, we should be most grateful for any information which you may receive about the projected meeting in Dublin, or as regards any other activities on the part of Mosley or his lieutenants.’ Mosley was accordingly watched on 27 September as he met the Union leaders in the hotel, but the intelligence officers were content, in their report to the Irish ambassador in London, to echo the British embassy’s assessment: ‘It is possible that little significance need be attached to Sir Oswald’s movements.’

There is little evidence that the Irish authorities were aware of Mosley’s travels to Europe for conferences to try to revive fascist parties – detailed in Stephen Dorril’s recent biography – or of his writings at the time. The meeting in the Russell Hotel had been called to launch a journal called The European, essentially a vehicle to propagate Mosley’s ideas among intellectuals. Here, Mosley advanced his argument that the Second World War was Churchill’s fault, that Germany should have been left alone to bring order to the backward peoples of Eastern Europe and that Hitler’s passionate desire to reach an understanding with the English people cost him victory and ultimately caused his suicide. Mosley’s new idea was a united Europe that would control Africa, dividing the whole continent between white and black populations. ‘The combined manpower of Europe would develop a living room containing our own supply of raw materials and our own markets, within which the European genius could speedily build the highest civilisation the world has yet seen.’

The catastrophic record of the Nazis is largely evaded in Mosley’s polemics and the Holocaust is never mentioned. ‘It has long been clear that both sides committed atrocities in the late war; so far only one side has been punished for them …’ Diana used the pages of the journal to defend Hitler. She was particularly disapproving of repentant memoirs by ex-Nazis. ReviewingHitler: The Missing Years by Putzi Hanfstaengl, a press officer who served the Führer, she expressed outrage: ‘More than twelve years have passed since Hitler died, and it may seem astonishing that Dr Hanfstaengl should still feel obliged to write with such exaggerated spite about the man he was once proud to call his friend.’ Diana sought to propagate the idea the Hitler’s Germany had been pacific and tolerant. ‘For the German masses,’ she wrote in September 1954, ‘including millions who had voted communist under the Weimar Republic … the Germany of 1933–39 was a fine, prosperous, successful country, and the traveller saw a healthy, contented-looking population.’ Referring to an account by Alan Moorehead of how British soldiers had tortured SS guards captured at Belsen, Diana asserted that – with the exception of the Black and Tans (‘in part recruited from the sweepings of Johannesburg’) – British troops were decent and well disciplined: the soldiers who had taken revenge at Belsen were acting against their better nature because of the propaganda they had heard about the Nazis.

If she tried, Diana might have found willing listeners in Ireland for the view that the Nazis had a bad press. In Dublin during the war, John Betjeman spent much of his time trying to persuade people that the Nazis were anti-Christian, hanging pictures of bombed out London churches in his office in Upper Mount Street. ‘I find even among the most sincere Catholics a refusal to believe in stories of German persecution,’ he wrote in a despatch to London. At the time the Mosleys were living in Clonfert, the German writer Heinrich Böll moved into a cottage on Achill Island. In a pub he met ‘Padraic’ who confided his belief that Hitler was ‘not such a bad man really … only … he went a bit too far.’ When Böll replied that ‘we know exactly how far Hitler went, he went over the corpses of millions of Jews, children’, Padraic looked pained and accused him of being ‘taken in by British propaganda’.


5

One foggy night a few weeks before Christmas 1954, while Diana was visiting London, the Mosleys’ neighbours the Blake-Kellys were woken just before two o’clock by the whinnying of a pony in their stables. From their window they could see flames and smoke billowing from the Palace next door. Mrs Blake-Kelly sent her son to bang on the Mosleys’ front door and within minutes Sir Oswald, Alexander and their servants were standing on the lawn watching the flames consume their house. A French maid, Mademoiselle Cerrecoundo, rushed back into the house to fetch some clothes and was trapped at an upstairs window. Sir Oswald, Alexander and the chauffeur, Monsieur Thevenon, held a blanket under the window and she leaped to safety, hurting her back and her hand. Monsieur Thevenon drove to the Garda station in Eyrecourt and from there fire brigades were summoned from Ballinasloe and Birr. It took an hour and a half for the engines to arrive and by then more than half the house was lost to the blaze. The firemen cut through the roof with their axes to create a barrier to the advancing flames. Six rooms were saved and some furniture, antiques and a valuable carpet retrieved.

By morning, when the firemen had finished their work and stood gazing at the hole rent through the roof of the house, cold westerly winds were gathering strength. It was the beginning of the worst storm in the midlands for a hundred years. Rain, sleet and snow poured down on the smouldering ruins of Clonfert and the winds reached hurricane force, knocking trees across the roads and felling the electricity wires that had been strung only in the last few years. Within a few days thousands of acres of land by the Shannon were flooded. The army came to evacuate farmhouses which were under three or four feet of water and drive cattle to high ground. Stone outhouses were washed away, corn stooks submerged and the swollen bodies of cows and pigs that could not be saved were left bobbing in the water.

The morning after the fire, Oswald had gone to Dublin airport to meet Diana coming back from London. She recalled in her memoirs the jolt of seeing him standing there as she came through customs, his face grave and bristly with stubble. He told her the story of the fire. If they hadn’t had to persuade the French maid to jump for her life from the second-floor window, Diana realized, they could have saved the pictures in the dining room before the ceiling collapsed. She thought of her mahogany four-poster bed with a canopy of blue taffeta now burnt to cinders. The fire had apparently started in the chimney of the maids’ sitting room where an old beam had been dried out by the central heating. Because of the storm and the floods it was a few days before she could go back to Clonfert to see the ruin. Her hands trembled so much she could hardly hold a pen. The family spent Christmas in Lismore Castle, with Diana’s sister Deborah and the Duke of Devonshire. But they had promised the children of Clonfert a Christmas party in the Palace and so, a few days before New Year, they gathered the toys they had bought in Cork and drove in the rain from Lismore to St Brendan’s National School in Killoran, about a mile from the burnt-out wreck of their house. Lady Mosley called each child up individually to receive a present. She later wrote that on the drive back to Lismore she felt sad because it was as if they were turning their backs on a place where they had been treated with kindness and where their presence could have helped a poor and neglected neighbourhood.


6

Early in 1955 the Mosleys found a new home just outside Fermoy, Co. Cork. Ileclash was a Georgian house built on an elevation over the Blackwater with a walled garden and terraced lawns. It had been restored by a retired British army captain, Percy Benson, who sold it to the Mosleys after his wife died.

Sometime in February that year, Lance Corporal Jerry Lehane was waiting for his discharge from the army in Cork when he replied to an add in the Cork Examiner for a ‘butler/chauffeur willing to travel’. He was invited to Ileclash for an interview on a Sunday. He remembers how Diana towered over him and how her husband, when he came to join the conversation, was just as striking. They told him they would be in France for two and half months and they wouldn’t need someone until they came back at Easter. But as he was walking away, the maid Emily – whom Jerry would eventually marry – came running after him to call him back to the house: the Mosleys wanted him to start the next day.

At Ileclash Jerry would look after Sir Oswald: bring him a boiled egg in the morning, lay out his clothes for the day. Sometimes Sir Oswald might walk into Fermoy, over the bridge past the Caltex petrol pumps and down MacCurtain Street under the Coca-Cola sign and the shop awnings stretching over the pavement. Until the start of the troubles, Fermoy had been a thriving garrison town where Irish and British regiments returned from campaigns in India and Africa displaying pet monkeys and exotic birds and spending the wages they had saved up while defending the empire. After Liam Lynch led a party of IRA volunteers in an attack on soldiers from the Shropshire Light Infantry as they made their way to the Wesleyan Church one Sunday in September 1919, Fermoy was the scene of the first military reprisal of the War of Independence. When the local coroner’s jury refused to describe the death of the single private killed in the raid as murder, two hundred soldiers rampaged through the town, looting drapery stores and shoe shops. The following year drunken Auxiliaries drowned a man in the Blackwater.

The Mosleys’ first summer at Ileclash was blissful, with weeks of unbroken sunshine ‘browning Irish faces so that their eyes looked like aquamarines’, as Diana wrote in the diary she contributed to The European. As she climbed down the cliff to the Blackwater, the river looked ‘as blue as the bay of Naples in August’. Sir Oswald would spend hours on the riverbank, casting his line in the Blackwater while Diana sat reading a book nearby. According to the locals, he would talk to anybody who came sauntering along. Local boys were allowed to fish for eels or take timber from the land in front of Ileclash or play football matches in the fields around the house. One St Stephen’s Day, Tommy Rice, whose father often talked to Sir Oswald, went with the wren boys to Ileclash and was brought in and given five pounds.

In the late fifties, Sir Oswald spent increasing amounts of time mixing with aspirant neo-fascists in Europe and with the theorists of apartheid in South Africa. In Britain, meanwhile, a new issue was developing that offered him a route back into proper politics: West Indian immigration. In August 1958 race riots erupted in Notting Hill, an area where a growing number of West Indians – many of them recruited to work as nurses or on the London Underground – were settling alongside other immigrants, including a large Irish population. Mosley’s Union movement immediately saw the potential for capitalizing on popular resentment and came to the defence of the gangs of Teddy boys who had been prosecuted for ‘nigger-bashing’. In April 1959, Mosley announced that he would stand in the general election to be held the following September as a candidate in North Kensington, the constituency that encompassed Notting Hill. For the rest of the spring and throughout the summer Mosley busied himself making his face familiar again as a campaigner on the streets of London. In August he appeared in court alongside two brothers accused of assaulting and shooting a black medical student. It was probably the renewed publicity Mosley was attracting that summer that provoked Noel Browne to describe him in the Dáil as an ‘undesirable’ who might use his residence in the Republic of Ireland as a ‘funk hole’ to allow him to engage in racist activities elsewhere.

As election day approached he was speaking four times a week from the back of a truck with a message that immigrants should be given compulsory free passage back to the West Indies with a promise that Britain would buy all its sugar from Jamaica to guarantee local employment. What people remembered, however, was his remark that West Indians were able to work for low wages because they could live off a tin of Kit-E-Kat a day. His supporters circulated leaflets describing Sir Oswald as ‘the best friend the Irish have in British politics’, reminding potential Irish voters that he had ‘fought for them in the British Parliament and lived among them in Ireland’. As in the heyday of of Mosley’s fascist electioneering in the 1930s, T.P. O’Connor’s letter saluting his stand against the Black and Tans was reprinted. Through questioning and debate, the leaflets pointed out, Sir Oswald had begun the work of getting the Black and Tans out of Ireland; now, ‘the same power of question and debate can get the Blacks out of North Kensington’.

Mosley convinced himself that he would get a third of the vote and win. On the night of the count a large noisy crowd of his supporters gathered outside Kensington Town Hall. He was shocked to discover that he had received only 8 per cent of the vote and lost his deposit. After the debacle of North Kensington, the Mosleys spent more and more of their time in Paris and less and less in Fermoy. Ileclash was sold in 1963.


7

Oswald Mosley never lived in Ireland again but he continued to proclaim an affinity for it, summoning up the experience of opposing the war in 1920 as a form of superior wisdom. At the height of the Vietnam war he argued that ‘everything that happened in Vietnam and Algeria occurred [first] in Ireland’. When the troubles began in Northern Ireland he circulated a paper advocating the transfer of most Catholics to the Republic and the re-drawing of the border. And when he tried to distinguish himself from Enoch Powell in the 1970s he cited his attitude to Ireland as evidence that he was the more enlightened. ‘Powell lumps Irishmen from the Republic along with Indians, Pakistanis and Jamaicans as immigrants,’ a paper prepared by Mosley’s supporters explained. ‘Union movement on the other hand has always differentiated on the Irish [sic], whether from the Republic or the Six Counties, on the grounds that for centuries they have served in the British Army and the Navy, and have staffed our hospitals and made our roads for decades.’

In November 1977 – three years before he died – Mosley took part in a debate at the King’s Inns in Dublin with Jack Lynch, who was then Taoiseach. He spoke of the necessity of making Europe great again and of how ‘the wisdom of Irish statesmanship’ could make its contribution. There is a photograph of Lynch looking uncomfortable and impatient as he sat alongside the aged Mosley. Around this time, Mosley also appeared on theLate Late Show with Gay Byrne. It’s not possible to watch it anymore; it was one of the editions of the show erased by RTÉ because the film was more valuable than what was on it. I saw the programme at the time and remember Mosley, sitting in the front row of the audience, an old man defending himself vigorously against passionate denunciation. At that stage, to me, he was just the notorious British fascist and I had no idea of his connection with Ireland or of how much authority he derived from his early stand against the Black and Tans.

It was this episode, his first political success, that he would return to again and again, burnishing it in the retelling. In the House of Commons in 1920 Mosley referred to Sinn Féin as a ‘murder gang’. But when he came to write his memoirs nearly a half-century later he would recall that ‘the large majority of the Irish guerrillas … were idealists in the highest degree’. Ireland, however, meant more than votes or refuge for Mosley: it was the best evidence he could produce that a fascist could have a moral compass. Thus, his opposition to a war with Hitler in 1939 was recast in the same light as his opposition to the Black and Tans. And it was his speeches on Ireland in 1920 which enabled the elder Mosley to sidestep the question of the Nazi atrocities: ‘I have a long record of opposition to the vile crime of killing or ill-treating the defenceless in various spheres, and it is one of the subjects on which I feel most strongly.’


I would like to thank the following people for help in the research of this article: Christy Cunniffe, Joe McAvoy, Norma Joyce, Christy Walsh, Catriona Crowe at the National Archives, Dublin, and Phillipa Bassett at the Special Collections Library, Birmingham University.

Wednesday, 25 June 2014

DISBAND BRIT NAZI ORANGE ORDER & EURO CREEPING FASCISM

A


"The first movement of 20th century fascism emerged in 1910 to enforce the unity of the United Kingdom...

"Sir Edward Carson, raised the 80,000 strong UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) in defence of empire and against unpatriotic socialists and papist nationalists...

"Field Marshall Wilson set up the Specials, a force of 48,000 drawn from the old UVF and Cromwell Clubs.

"Lloyd George described them as analogous to the fascisti in Italy.

"In the years 1920 to 1922 these British fascists forced 23,000 people from their homes and killed 400 in a campaign of ethnic cleansing."

If you think of the Orange Order, you might think of Ulster, the Kincora Boys Home, Clockwork Orange and MI5 and their Kincora Boys. Scotland tells us that the Orange Order have been ordered by London's Secret services to mobilize to keep the Union with Britain, should it vote for independence.


The reality of the Orange Order is that it is a counter-revolutionary institution set up and maintained to target not just Catholics but also 'disloyal' Protestants. It's formation and spread was encouraged by the British state in the years leading up to the 1798 rebellion precisely in order to drive a wedge between ordinary Catholics and Protestants. The 12th of July was picked as the key date to provide an alternative attraction to the marking of Bastille day and in itself to mark the sectarian massacre that led to the formation of the Orange Order.
The sectarian attacks that accompany Orange marches today also go right back to its origins. Again in 1795 up to 7,000 Catholics were driven out of Armagh by Orange Order pogroms. But there was one key difference with today, then many expelled Catholic families were sheltered by Presbyterian United Irishmen in Belfast and later Antrim and Down, and the (mostly) Protestant leadership of the United Irishmen sent lawyers to prosecute on behalf of the victims of Orange attacks. They also sent special missions to the area to undermine the Orange Order's influence.

Indeed the Orange Order probably played a key part in ensuring the failure of the 1798 rebellion. At the time General John Knox, the architect of this policy described the Orange Order as "the only barrier we have against the United Irishmen"2 after the failed rebellion he wrote "the institution of the Orange Order was of infinite use"3 . The survival of the Orange Order since, and in particular the special place it was given in the sectarian make up of the northern state (every single head of the 6 counties has also been a senior member of the Orange Order), reflect its success in this role.

The strategy was simple. In order to prevent Protestant workers identifying with their Catholic neighbours the order offered an anti-Catholic society, led by the wealthy Protestants that offered all Protestants a place in its ranks, and the promise of promotion and privilege. The annual parades were a key part of this strategy, they filled two roles. They allowed the working class Protestant members a day in the sun to mix with their 'betters' and at the same time lord it over their Catholic neighbours.

At the same time they exposed radical Protestant workers to accusations of being 'traitors' for refusing to take part in the events. Much of the imagery of loyalism, the bonfires, the bunting and the painted kerbstones provide an opportunity to demand of every Protestant worker in a community 'which side are you on'.

Right from the start the parades have been accompanied by violence as they attempt to force their way through areas where they are not wanted. The first parades of 1796 saw one fatality, but in 1797 14 were killed during violence at an Orange parade in Stewartstown. In 1813 an Orange parade through one of the first areas of Belfast identified as 'Catholic' saw four more deaths.

The town of Portadown has long been a hot bed of 'contentious' parades, banned marches took place there in 1825 and 1827. In 1835 the Portadown marches claimed their first victim, Hugh Donnelly, a Catholic from Drumcree. Armagh Magistrate, William Hancock, (a Protestant), said:
"For some time past the peaceable inhabitants of the parish of Drumcree have been insulted and outraged by large bodies of Orangemen parading the highways, playing party tunes, firing shots, and using the most opprobrious epithets they could invent ... a body of Orangemen marched through the town and proceeded to Drumcree church, passing by the Catholic chapel though it was a considerable distance out of their way."4

In the relevant stability after the defeat of 1798 the British and local ruling class felt they no longer needed the Order and, as we have seen, went so far as to ban it and its marches. Its survival during these years shows that the institution cannot simply be viewed as dependent on Britain or local Protestant rulers. It also fed off the historical legacy of sectarianism and annually offered a chance for the 'little man' to feel big. In this sense the psychological attraction of Orangism for poor Protestants is similar to the attraction described by William Reich of poor workers/unemployed for fascism.

The Orange Order's complex nature is also shown by the events of 1881 when it was possible for the Land league to hold a meeting in the local Orange hall at Loughgall. Micheal Davitt told the crowd that the "landlords of Ireland are all of one religion - their God is mammon and rack-rents, and evictions their only morality, while the toilers of the fields, whether Orangemen, Catholics, Presbyterians or Methodists are the victims".

Eurofascism
By Sergei Glazyev

Current events in Ukraine are guided by the evil spirit of fascism and Nazism, though it seemed to have dissipated long ago, after World War II. Seventy years after the war, the genie has escaped from the bottle once again, posing a threat not merely in the form of the insignia and rhetoric of Hitler’s henchmen, but also through an obsessive Drang nach Osten policy. The bottle has been uncorked, this time, by the Americans. Just as 76 years ago at Munich, when the British and the French gave Hitler their blessing for his eastward march, so in Kiev today, Washington, London and Brussels are inciting Yarosh, Tyahnybok, and other Ukrainian Nazis to war with Russia. One is forced to ask, why do this in the 21st century? And why is Europe, now united in the European Union, taking part in kindling a new war, as if suffering from a total lapse of historical memory?

Answering these questions requires, first of all, an accurate definition of what is happening. This, in turn, must start with identifying the key components of the events, based on facts. The facts are generally known: Yanukovych refused to sign the Association Agreement with the EU, which Ukraine had been under pressure to accept. After that, the United States and its NATO allies physically removed him from power by organizing a violent coup d’état in Kiev and bringing to power a government that was illegitimate, but fully obedient to them. In this article, it will be called “the junta.” The goal of this aggression was to gain acceptance of the Association Agreement, as is evidenced by the fact it was indeed, prematurely, signed by the EU leaders and the junta only a month after the latter had seized power. They reported (the document bearing their signatures has not yet been made public!) that only the political part of the agreement has been signed, the part that obligates Ukraine to follow the foreign and defense policy of the EU and to participate, under EU direction, in settling regional civil and military conflicts. With this step, adoption of the Agreement as a whole has become a mere technicality.

In essence, the events in Ukraine mark the country’s forcible subordination to the European Union — what may be called “Euro-occupation.” The EU leaders, who insistently lecture us on obedience to the law and the principles of a law-based state, have themselves flouted the rule of law in this case, by signing an illegitimate treaty with an illegitimate government. Yanukovych was ousted because he refused to sign it. This refusal, moreover, needs to be understood in terms not only of the Agreement’s content, but also the fact that he had no legal right to accept it, because the Association Agreement violates the Ukrainian Constitution, which makes no provision for the transfer of state sovereignty to another party.

According to the Ukrainian Constitution, an international agreement that conflicts with the Constitution may be signed only if the Constitution is amended beforehand. The U.S.- and EU-installed junta ignored this requirement. It follows that the U.S. and EU organized the overthrow of Ukraine’s legitimate government, in order to deprive the country of its political independence. The next step will be to impose their preferred economic and trade policies on Ukraine, through its accession to the economic part of the Agreement. Furthermore, although the current Euro-occupation differs from the occupation of Ukraine in 1941 in that, so far, it has occurred without an invasion by foreign armies, its coercive nature is beyond any doubt. Just as the fascists stripped the population of occupied Ukraine of all civil rights, the modern junta and its American and European backers treat the opponents of Euro-integration as criminals, groundlessly accusing them of separatism and terrorism, imprisoning them, or even deploying Nazi guerrillas to shoot them.

As long as President Yanukovych was on track to sign the Association Agreement with the EU, he was the recipient of all kinds of praise and coaxing from high-ranking EU officials and politicians. The minute he refused, however, American agents of influence (as well as official U.S. representatives, such as the Ambassador to Ukraine, the Assistant Secretary of State, and representatives of the intelligence agencies), together with European politicians, began to castigate him and extol his political opponents. They provided massive informational, political, and financial aid to the Euromaidan protests, turning them into the staging ground for the coup d’état. Many of the protest actions, including criminal attacks against law enforcement personnel and government building seizures, accompanied by murders and beatings of a large number of people, were supported, organized, and planned with the participation of the American Embassy and European officials and politicians, who not only “interfered” in Ukraine’s domestic affairs, but carried out aggression against the country via the Nazi guerrillas they had cultivated.

The use of Nazis and religious fanatics to undermine political stability in various regions of the world is a favorite method of the American intelligence agencies. It has been employed against Russia in the Caucasus, in Central Asia, and now even in Eastern Europe. The Eastern Partnership program, which the U.S. encouraged the Poles and EU officials to initiate, was aimed against Russia from the outset, with the objective of breaking the former Soviet republics’ relations with Russia. This break was supposed to be finalized by contracting legal Association Agreements between each of these countries and the EU. In order to provide political grounds for these agreements, a campaign was launched to fan Russophobia and spread a myth called “the European choice.” This mythical “European choice” was then artificially counterposed to the Eurasian integration process, with Western politicians and the media falsely depicting the latter as an attempt to restore the USSR.

The Eastern Partnership program has failed in every single former Soviet republic. Belarus had already made its own choice, creating a Union State with Russia. Kazakhstan, another key Eurasian country (though not formally an Eastern Partnership target) likewise chose its own path, forming the Customs Union with Russia and Belarus. Armenia and Kyrgyzstan have decided to join this process. The province of Gagauzia has spurned the adoption of Russophobia as a cornerstone of Moldovan policy; the Gagauz referendum, rejecting European integration in favor of the Customs Union, challenged the legitimacy of Chişinău’s “European choice.” Georgia, the only republic to have made a relatively legitimate decision in favor of Association with the EU, paid for its “European choice” with the loss of control over a part of its territory, where people did not want to live under Euro-occupation. The same scenario is now being imposed on Ukraine — loss of a part of its territory, where the citizens do not accept the leadership’s “European choice.”

The coercion of Ukraine to sign the EU Association Agreement became entangled with Russophobia, as a reaction of the Ukrainian public conscience, wounded by the decision of the people of Crimea to join the Russian Federation. Since the majority of Ukrainians still do not automatically think of themselves as divided from Russia, there has been a strong push to inculcate a perception of this episode as Russian aggression and the annexation of part of their territory. This is why Brzezinski talks about the “Finlandization” of Ukraine, as a way to anesthetize the brains of our political elite during the American operation to sever Ukraine’s ties with historical Russia. While under anesthesia, we Russians are supposed to accept a feeling of guilt for our mythical oppression of the Ukrainian people, while the latter are force-fed loathing for Russia, with which they have allegedly battled for ages over Little Russia and Novorossiya.

Only a superficial observer, however, would see the current anti-Russian hysteria in the Ukrainian media, so striking in its frenzied Russophobia, as a spontaneous reaction to the Crimean drama. In reality, it is a piece of evidence that the war being waged against Russia is now entering an overt phase. For two decades, we were fairly tolerant of the manifestations of Nazi ideology in Ukraine, not taking it too seriously, in view of the apparent absence of clear preconditions for Nazism. The lack of such preconditions, however, was completely compensated by the persistent sowing of Russophobia through support for numerous nationalist organizations. The discrepancy between their ideology and historical accuracy does not bother the fuehrers of these organizations. In return for a pittance from NATO member countries, they are completely unrestrained in painting Russia as the enemy image. The result is unconvincing, because of our common history, language and culture: Kiev is the mother of all Russian cities, the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra is a major holy site of the Orthodox world, and it was at the Kiev-Mohyla Academy that the modern Russian language took shape). Therefore wild lies are employed, playing on tragic episodes in our common history, such as the Revolution and the Civil War, as well as the Holodomor famine of the 1930s, which are falsely attributed solely to Russian tyranny. Russophobia, based on Nazism, is being made the cornerstone of Ukraine’s national identity.

This article is not concerned with exposing the objective absurdity of the Ukrainian Nazis’ hysterical Russophobia, but rather with establishing the reasons for its re-emergence in the 21st century. This requires an awareness that such “Ukrainian Nazism” is an artificial construct, created by the age-old enemies of the Russian world. Ukrainian exclusionary nationalism and fascism, cultivated from abroad, has always been aimed at Moscow. At first it was promoted by Poland, which viewed Ukraine as its own borderland, and established its own vertical power structure to administer it. Then came Austria-Hungary, which invested large amounts of money over a long period of time, to encourage Ukrainian separatism. During the German fascist occupation, these separatist tendencies were the ground in which the Bandera movement and the Polizei sprang up, aiding the German fascists in establishing their order in Ukraine, including though punitive operations and enslavement of the population. Their modern followers are now doing likewise: under the guidance of their American instructors, guerrillas of the Banderite Right Sector are conducting punitive operations against the population in the Donbass, helping the U.S.-installed junta “cleanse” cities of supporters of greater integration with Russia, and assuming police functions for the establishment of a pro-American, anti-Russian order.

It is obvious that without steady American and European support, neither the coup d’état nor the existence of the Kiev junta would have been possible. Unfortunately, as the famous dictum goes, “history teaches us, that history teaches us nothing.” This is a catastrophe for Europe, which has more than once had to deal with instances of the proto-fascist model of government that has now taken shape in Ukraine. It involves, essentially, a symbiotic relationship between the fascists and big capital. A symbiosis of this type gave rise to Hitler, who was supported by major German capitalists, seduced by the opportunity, under the cover of national-socialist rhetoric, to make money from government orders and the militarization of the economy. This applied not only to German capitalists, but also Europeans and Americans. There were collaborators with the Hitler regime in practically all the European countries and the United States.

Few people realized that the torch marches would be followed by the ovens at Auschwitz, and that tens of millions of people would die in the fires of World War II. The same dynamic is playing out in Kiev now, except that the shout of “Heil Hitler!” has been replaced by “Glory to the heroes!” — heroes whose great feat was to execute defenseless Jews at Babi Yar. Moreover, the Ukrainian oligarchy — including the leaders of some Jewish organizations — is financing the anti-Semites and Nazis of Right Sector, who are the armed bulwark of the current regime in Ukraine. The Maidan sponsors have forgotten that, in the symbiotic relationship between Nazis and big capital, the Nazis always get the upper hand over the liberal businessmen. The latter are forced either to become Nazis themselves, or to leave the country. This is already happening in Ukraine: the oligarchs who remain in the country are competing with the petty fuehrers of Right Sector in the domain of Russophobic and anti-“Muscovite” rhetoric, as well as in grabbing the property of those former Nazi-sponsors who have fled to Moscow.

The current rulers in Kiev count on protection from their American and European patrons, pledging to them daily that they will fight the “Russian occupation” to the last standing “Muscovite.” They obviously underestimate how dangerous Nazis are, because Nazis truly believe they are a “superior race,” while all others, including the businessmen who sponsor them, are viewed as “sub-human” creatures, against whom violence of all sorts is permissible. That is why Nazis always prevail, within their symbiotic relationship with the bourgeoisie, who are then forced either to submit, or flee the country. There is no doubt that if the Bandera followers are not forcibly stopped, the Nazi regime in Ukraine will develop, expand, and penetrate more deeply. The only thing still in doubt will be Ukraine’s “European choice,” as the country reeks more and more of the fascism of 80 years ago.
Of course, Eurofascism today is very different from its 20th-century German, Italian, and Spanish versions. European national states have receded into the past, entering the European Union and submitting to the Eurobureaucracy. The latter has become the leading political power in Europe, easily quashing any bids for sovereignty by individual European countries. The bureaucracy’s power is based not on an army, but on its monopoly over the issuance of currency, over the mass media, and over the regulation of trade, all of which are managed by the bureaucracy in the interests of European big capital. In every conflict with national governments during the past decade, the Eurobureaucracy has invariably prevailed, forcing European nations to accept its technocrat governments and its policies. Those policies are based on the consistent rejection of all national traditions, from Christian moral standards to how sausages are produced.

The cookie-cutter, gender-neutral, and idea-free Europoliticians little resemble the raving fuehrers of the Third Reich. What they have in common is a maniacal confidence that they are in the right, and readiness to force people to obey. Although the Eurofascists’ forms of compulsion are far softer, it is still a harsh approach. Dissent is not tolerated, and violence is allowed, up to and including the physical extermination of those who disagree with Brussels’ policies. Of course, the thousands who have died during the drive to instill “European values” in Yugoslavia, Georgia, Moldova, and now Ukraine, do not compare with the millions of victims of the German fascist invaders during World War II. But who has tallied up the indirect human casualties from the promotion of homosexuality and drugs, the ruin of national manufacturing sectors, or the degradation of culture? Entire European nations are disappearing in the crucible of European integration.

The Italian word fascio, from which “fascism” derives, denotes a union, or something bound together. In its current understanding, it refers to unification without preservation of the identity of what is integrated — whether people, social groups, or countries. Today’s Eurofascists are trying to erase not only national economic and cultural differences, but also the diversity of human individuals, including differentiation by sex and age. What’s more, the aggressiveness with which the Eurofascists are fighting to expand their area of influence sometimes reminds us of the paranoia of Hitler’s supporters, who were preoccupied with the conquest of Lebensraum for the superior Aryan race. Suffice it to recall the hysteria of the European politicians who appeared at the Maidan and in the Ukrainian media. They justified the crimes of the proponents of Eurointegration and groundlessly denounced those who disagreed with Ukraine’s “European choice,” taking the Goebbels approach that the more monstrous a lie is, the more it resembles the truth.

Today the driver of Eurofascism is the Eurobureaucracy, which gets its directions from Washington. The United States supports the eastward expansion of the EU and NATO in every way possible, viewing these organizations as important components of its global empire. The U.S. exercises control over the EU through supranational institutions, which have crushed the nation-states that joined the EU. Deprived of economic, financial, foreign-policy and military sovereignty, they submit to the directives of the European Commission, which are adopted under intense pressure from the U.S.

In essence, the EU is a bureaucratic empire that arranges things within its economic space in the interests of European and American capital, under U.S. control. Like any empire, it strives to expand, and does so by drawing neighboring countries into Association Agreements, under which they hand their sovereignty over to the European Commission. In order to make these countries accept becoming EU colonies, fear-mongering about an external threat is employed, with the U.S.-guided media portraying Russia as aggressive and bellicose, for this purpose. Under this pretext, the EU and NATO moved quickly to occupy the countries of Eastern Europe after the Soviet Union collapsed; the war in the Balkans was organized for this purpose. The next victims of Eurofascism were the Baltic republics, which Russophobic Nazis forced to join the EU and NATO. Then Eurofascism reached Georgia, where Nazis under American guidance unleashed civil war. Today, the Eurofascists are using the Georgian model in Ukraine, in order to force it sign the Association Agreement with the EU, as a subservient territory and a bridgehead for attacking Russia.
The U.S. sees the principal threat to its plans for putting the Eurobureaucracy in charge of the post-Soviet area, as being the Eurasian integration process, which is developing successfully around the Russia-Belarus-Kazakhstan Customs Union. The EU and the U.S. have invested at least $10 billion in building up anti-Russian networks, in order to prevent Ukraine from taking part in that process. In parallel, using the support of Polish and Baltic Russophobes, as well as media under the control of American media moguls, the United States is inciting European officials against Russia, with the goal of isolating the former Soviet republics from the Eurasian integration process. The Eastern Partnership program, which they inspired, is a cover for aggression against Russia in the former Soviet area. This aggression takes the form of forcing former Soviet republics to enter EU Association Agreements, under which they transfer their sovereign economic, trade, foreign-policy and defense functions to the European Commission.

For Ukraine, the Association Agreement with the European Union means transferring to Brussels its sovereign functions of regulating trade and other foreign economic relations, technical standards, and veterinary, sanitary, and pest inspections, as well as opening its market to European goods. The agreement contains a thousand pages of EU directives that Ukraine would be required to follow. Every section mandates that Ukrainian legislation be brought into compliance with the requirements of Brussels. Moreover, Ukraine would assume the obligation to comply not only with current Brussels directives, but also future ones, in the drafting of which Ukraine will have no part.

Plainly put, after signing the Agreement, Ukraine is to become a colony of the European Union, blindly obeying its demands. These include requirements which Ukrainian industry is unable to carry out, and which will harm the Ukrainian economy. Ukraine is to completely open its market to European goods, which will lead to a $4 billion increase in Ukraine’s imports and drive uncompetitive Ukrainian industrial products out of the market. Ukraine will be obliged to meet European standards, which would take 150 billion euro of investment in economic modernization. There are no sources for such amounts of money. According to estimates by Ukrainian and Russian economists, Ukraine, after signing the Agreement, can look forward to a deterioration of its already negative balance of trade and balance of payments, and, as a consequence, default.

Thus, signing the Association Agreement would mean an economic catastrophe for Ukraine. The EU would achieve certain advantages, by way of an expanded market for its products and the opportunity to acquire devalued Ukrainian assets. U.S. corporations, for their part, would gain access to shale gas deposits, which they would like to supplement with pipeline infrastructure and a market for nuclear fuel elements for power plants. The main goal, however, is geopolitical: after signing the Association Agreement, Ukraine would not be able to participate in the Customs Union with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. It is for this outcome that the U.S. and the EU resorted to aggression against Ukraine, organizing an armed seizure of power by their protégés. While they accuse Russia of annexing Crimea, they themselves have taken over Ukraine as a whole, by installing a junta under their control. The junta’s mission is to strip Ukraine of its sovereignty and put it under the EU, through signing the Association Agreement.

The disaster in Ukraine may be termed aggression against Russia by the U.S. and its NATO allies. This is a contemporary version of Euro-fascism, which differs from the previous face of fascism during World War II in that it employs “soft” power with just some elements of armed action in cases of extreme necessity, as well as the use of Nazi ideology as a supplementary rather than an absolute ideology. One of the main defining elements of Eurofascism has been preserved, however, and that is the division of citizens into superior ones (those who support the “European choice”) and inferior ones, who have no right to their own opinions and toward whom all is permitted. Another feature is the readiness to use violence and commit crimes in dealing with political opponents. The final aspect that needs to be understood, is what drives the rebirth of fascism in Europe; without grasping this, it is impossible to develop a resistance plan and save the Russian world from this latest threat of Euro-occupation.

The theory of long-term economic development recognizes an interrelationship between long waves of economic activity and long waves of military and political tension. Periodic shifts from one dominant technological mode to the next alternate with economic depressions, wherein increased government spending is used as an incentive for overcoming the crisis. The spending is concentrated in the military-industrial complex, because the liberal economic ideology allows enhancement of the role of the state only for national security objectives. Therefore, military and political tension is promoted and international conflicts provoked, to justify increased defense spending. This is what is happening at present: the U.S. is attempting to resolve its accumulated economic, financial, and industrial imbalances at other countries’ expense, by escalating international conflicts that will allow it to write off debts, appropriate assets belonging to others, and weaken its geopolitical rivals. When this was done during the Great Depression of the 1930s, the result was World War II. The American aggression against Ukraine pursues all of the above-mentioned goals. First, economic sanctions against Russia are intended to wipe out billions of dollars of U.S. debt to Russia. A second objective is to take over Ukrainian state assets, including the natural gas transport system, mineral deposits, the country’s gold reserves, and valuable art and cultural objects. Third, to capture Ukrainian markets of importance to American companies, such as nuclear fuel, aircraft, energy sources, and others. Fourth, to weaken not only Russia, but also the European Union, whose economy will sustain an estimated trillion-dollar loss from economic sanctions against Russia. Fifth, to attract capital flight from instability in Europe, to the USA.

Thus, war in Ukraine is just business for the United States. Judging by reports in the media, the U.S. has already recouped its spending on the Orange Revolution and the Maidan by carrying off treasures from the ransacked National Museum of Russian Art and National Historical Museum, taking over potential gas fields, and forcing the Ukrainian government to switch from Russian to American nuclear fuel supplies for its power plants. In addition, the Americans have moved ahead on their long-term objective of splitting Ukraine from Russia, turning what used to be “Little Russia” into a state hostile to Russia, in order to prevent it from joining the Eurasian integration process.

This analysis leaves no room for doubt about the long-term and consistent nature of the American aggression against Russia in Ukraine. Washington is directing its Kiev puppets to escalate the conflict, rather than the reverse. They are also inciting the Ukrainian military against Russia, aiming to drag Russian ground forces into a war against Ukraine. They are encouraging the Nazis there to initiate new combat operations. This is a real war, organized by the United States and its NATO allies. Just like 75 years ago, it is being waged by Eurofascists against Russia, with the use of Ukrainian Nazis cultivated for this purpose.

What is surprising is the position of the European countries, which are tailing the U.S. and doing nothing to prevent a further escalation of the crisis. They should understand better than anybody, that Nazis can only be stopped with force. The sooner this is done, the fewer victims and less destruction there will be in Europe. The avalanche of wars across North Africa, the Middle East, the Balkans, and now Ukraine, incited by the U.S. in its own interests, threatens Europe most of all; and it was the devastation of Europe in two world wars that gave rise to the American economic miracle in the 20th century. But the Old World will not survive a Third World War. To prevent such a war means that there must be international acknowledgement that the actions of the U.S. constitute aggression, and that the EU and U.S. officials carrying them out are war criminals. It is important to accord this aggression the legal definition of “Eurofascism” and to condemn the actions of the European politicians and officials who are party to the revival of Nazism under cover of the Eastern Partnership.

Sergei Glazyev, Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Advisor to the President of the Russian Federation