Thursday, 4 December 2014

THE ANGLO IRISH JUDAS KISS



Songs sung by songwriter Dominic Behan, brother of author Brendan Behan.


The Tory Bluenose is the work of generations of the British class system. The civil rights movement in Ireland didn't become mediagenic until the 1960s. Women only gained a modest degree of physical autonomy in the 70s. Neither of those were slumbering before that. The two paranoid, bluenose, bigoted Anglo Irish security states, are embellished with a further layer of mentored Orange Order sectarianism, coupled with Fascist Blueshirts in the south, being still the norm of governance in John Bull's other island. All Blueshirt Bluenose male dominated pyramid hierarchies tend in that direction.


A traditional Tory Bluenose started each day by eating a poor person for breakfast, served to him by a stable of butlers and attendants. Before his round of morning polo (in which the head of a homeless man was used for a ball), an the Irish Tory Bluenose (including our Orange Order brethren) spends half an hour, in the Blueshirt, Blue Nose family room, where he and his father, reaffirm their ancestral connection to blue-blooded British types, who either owned slaves or coveted them.


If you are worried that Blueshirts might try and bring back slavery in Ireland, we will do absolutely nothing to allay your fears. A Blueshirt from Irish Water, recently paid an exorbitant sum, for a colon operation, that made his gas smell like daisies. When asked a difficult question by an Irish Water shareholder, as a diversion, he will break wind and ask, "My gosh. Do you smell daisies?" Its a typical case of the stiff upper nose, as opposed to the the former British stiff upper lip.


The Devil's Dictionary Pronouces - NOSE, n. The extreme outpost of the face. Getius, whose writings antedate the age of humor, calls the Fine Gael blueshirt nose, the British organ of quell in Ireland. It has been observed that Fine Gael Blueshirt noses, are never so happy, as when thrust into the affairs of public amenities, like health care or public water, from which some physiologists, have drawn the inference, that the Blueshirt nose is devoid of any natural human sense of smell, other than the smell of blood, cultivated over many generations, since they were first blooded with cruel intent, and smeared with the fox blood of Anglo Irish hunts, as young children, at the their first traditional Blueshirt, Bluenose, Irish foxhunt.

There's a Blueshirt with a Nose,
And wherever he goes
The people run from him and shout:
"No cotton have we
For our ears if so be
As Enda blows his interminous snout!"

So the lawyers applied
For injunction. "Denied,"
Said the Judge: "the defendant prefixion,
Whate'er it portend,
Appears to transcend
The bounds of this court's jurisdiction."


Below is and article from the Irish Times, concerning a previous Irish Blueshirt Prime Minster, of the same Blueshirt Party as present Prime Minister, Enda Kenny.








Former taoiseach John Bruton criticised for comments about Easter Rising

Ex-Fine Gael leader failed to take account of the context of Rising, commemoration told

Former taoiseach John Bruton:  the Kilmichael Ambush Commemoration  was told at the weekend that  his  comments about the Easter Rising and the War of Independence marked the most extreme articulation of a particular view of Irish history. Photograph: Aidan Crawley



Former taoiseach John Bruton: the Kilmichael Ambush Commemoration was told at the weekend that his comments about the Easter Rising and the War of Independence marked the most extreme articulation of a particular view of Irish history. Photograph: Aidan Crawley


Barry Roche



First published:Mon, Dec 1, 2014, 01:00

Former Taoiseach, John Bruton has been accused of failing to recognise the context in which the 1916 Easter Rising took place when he said the rebellion was not justified and Ireland could have achieved freedom through the Home Rule Bill.


Historian and pamphleteer Jack Lane told the annual Kilmichael Ambush Commemoration in west Cork at the weekend that Mr Bruton’s comments about the Easter Rising and the War of Independence marked the most extreme articulation of a particular view of Irish history.


“It is mind-boggling to hear an ex-taoiseach condemn the founding fathers of this state of which he was a leader. Can you imagine a US president denouncing George Washington for their War of Independence or a French president denouncing the French Revolution?


“It is unimaginable and there was a lot more war and bloodshed in establishing these and other states than was the case here where overwhelming popular support for independence minimised the bloodshed,” he told the crowd of about 800 people who gathered at the ambush site.


The annual commemoration marks the victory by Tom Barry and members of the Flying Column of the West Cork Brigade of the IRA over a contingent of Auxilaries from Macroom in the War of Independence


Mr Lane of the Aubane Historical Society said that when Mr Bruton feels the need to claim that Easter 1916 and the War of Independence were misguided and seeks to promote that view, then it is necessary to examine very closely the merits of his arguments.


Mr Bruton had argued that Volunteers of 1916 should have trusted in the Home Rule Bill as it was on the statute and would have evolved into a republic and that there was therefore no need for war and bloodshed, he said.


However this view ignored the fact that the Home Rule Bill was immediately suspended and that volunteers of 1916 had for a period trusted in the Home Rule Bill as evidenced by Padraig Pearse sharing a platform with John Redmond in support of Home Rule in 1912.


However Pearse and others had changed their minds when they witnessed a very real rebellion against the British government’s plan for Home Rule when Tories and unionists “organised themselves to set up an alternative provisional government to prevent Home Rule” in 1912.


An illegal army, the Ulster Volunteer Force, was set up and arms were imported which led to the establishment of the Irish Volunteers “to support the government in implementing Home Rule – to assist in implementing the law not to break it as the UVF were planning to do.”


The British army supported this unionist rebellion with the Curragh Mutiny of 1914 when officers refused to enforce the law on Home Rule and the British government allowed all this to happen and conceded all along the line, he said.


Mr Lane said critics of the Easter Rising say that the organisers had no mandate but the same point could be made about the British government, as it failed to hold an election as it should have done in 1915 and instead did a deal to invite Tories and unionists into government.


“The unionists had their own army, with plenty arms, they had British army support and now they were in government. They had won and it was absolutely clear that Home Rule or any form of Irish independence was off the agenda,” Mr Lane added.


“There was no two ways about it. If that government had its way, we would still be waiting for Home Rule. It was already suspended on the day it was passed on 18th September 1914 and that is where it would remain.”


It is true that those who organised the Easter Rising had no mandate but neither had the British government nor had the unionists for their rebellion other than what they gave themselves. “There were no mandates all around,” he said.


Similarly, Redmond committed the Irish Parliamentary Party to a British war on Germany and Turkey without an electoral mandate as he never put to the Irish electorate that he would take Ireland into an imperial war if the empire gave him Home Rule.


“The Irish Volunteers decided that a rebellion was the only way to get the government to respond to what had been proved by the success of the Unionists and this is the political and moral case for the 1916 rebellion,” he said.


Unfortunately, this narrative had been twisted and was not articulated in either academia, the media or by mainstream politicians, which is why commemorations such as Kilmichael offered a valuable opportunity “to put the record straight about 1916 and the War of Independence”.



Wednesday, 3 December 2014

IRELAND Ní bheidh an Réabhlóid ar RTE



Tír gan Teanga, Tír gan Anam?: The Ethics of Teaching English


Language is both our greatest tool, and our most insidious weapon. With language we can liberate, or we can subjugate.

Tír gan teangatír gan anam. A country without a language is a country without a soul.” ― Pádraig Pearse. countries, culture, ireland, irish, language, ...


The teaching of language, therefore, is a process that must be carefully considered. Through a combination of the global nature of the English language, saturated job markets in Western society, and the greater ease and cost efficiency of worldwide travel, the EFL (English as a Foreign Language) industry, both charitable and commercial, is booming. ‘Education First’, the largest global EFL body, postulate that the global international education market is worth approximately $50 billion.
Central to many development initiatives is a targeting of local educational systems. Underfunded, and lacking in basic infrastructure and utilities, schools in the developing world are, often in need of significant help, and a legitimate vehicle for charitable aims. While the debate about the merits of sending non-qualified Western volunteers to developing countries, when balanced against the cost (both carbon and monetary) of travel alone, will never truly be resolved, there is one indisputable benefit to their presence: their fluency in English. Since it is taken as a given that good spoken English is crucial to escaping the cycle of poverty, native English speakers are crucial to charities working in the educational development sector.
However, what is never really considered is if teaching English abroad really is such an unqualified necessity. By teaching English in developing nations are we actually doing more harm than good?
Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, the esteemed Kenyan playwright and social activist, would certainly agree. For Ngũgĩ, language is not just a means of communication; it is also a carrier of culture. As he elaborates:
“Language as culture is the collective memory bank of a people’s experience in history. Culture is almost indistinguishable from the language that makes possible its genesis.”
For Ngũgĩ, who has since ceased writing in English, his native language of Gikuyu communicates certain cultural truths that English, or indeed, any other foreign language, cannot. In its rhymes and tempos, its rhythms and sounds, it establishes a tangible and unique link between people, place and culture. It is a defining aspect of individual existence. To place English ahead of native tongues, be it through governmental administration, or academic examination, accounts to a charge of cultural warfare, and a profound method of imperial subjugation.
Ngũgĩ recounts his childhood growing up in a Kenyan peasant family, where at school, children were encouraged to tell on their peers if they were heard speaking anything other than English. In his adolescence, English was praised above all, a merit in English class necessary to go onto any further study, regardless of proficiency in any other subject. Exams were set in English, and anyone hoping to climb the professional ladder in later years had to have a perfect grasp of the English language. While English, as the language of governmental, and therefore institutional authority was praised above all else, native languages throughout Kenya were crushed. This scenario was repeated throughout the vast majority of colonised states in Africa and Asia, governmental languages of English, French, Portuguese and Dutch actively attempting to wipe out the indigenous vernacular that had come before them.
This is a scenario that is still in place today, the vast majority of the African continent still in thrall to the languages of their colonial past. Similarly, in India, English is still the language of administration, and is found throughout all the corridors of power, from the parliament to the judiciary. By teaching, therefore, a colonial tongue, are we, as Ngũgĩ suggests, continuing the process of neo-colonial servitude, enslaving, rather than enabling future generations?
While teaching English abroad may be philosophically, an evil, it is a necessary one. It is not just in the development sector where good verbal English is prized, it is an asset sought the world over, and a legitimate and effective way of tacking the cycle of poverty. However, this standpoint is only due to the compromised nature of global politics, where ideas of nationality and national identity are provisional and fleeting. While teaching English abroad is useful, that does not necessarily make it good. Rather it occupies a middle ground, a transient space between colonial domination and the fleeting beginnings of true independence. It is in this frame that we must always examine the ethics of teaching English.

Author: Sean Farrell

right2water

Tuesday, 2 December 2014

SELLING THE IRISH WATER & SAND TO THE ARABS






The political parties, whose meetings the Fascist Blueshirts protected, merged to become Fine Gael and members of that party are called "Blueshirts" to this very day. Because the authoritarian group's leader Eoin O'Duffy, was also Dictaor of the Irish police, while also closely connected to fascist corporate sponsored movements on the European Continent, the Blueshirts are politically categorized with the MVSN Blackshirts of Italy, along with the Nazis in Germany, who to this day perform similar functions for corporations in slightly more sanitized but equally ruthless manner. The Blueshirts went to fight for the Fascist, Francisco Franco, during the Spanish Civil War after their very bloody Civil War in Ireland, against the people of no property, which continues politically today, in the Irish struggle for the right2water, preventing Ireland's over supply of free water, being owned by a corporation. It rains so much in Ireland, that this farcical enterprise, could only be compared, to the preposterous concept, of an American Corporation, with the collusion of ISIS, selling sand to their own Arabs and denying their own, free sand. This of course is only possible, when the Irish Government and its police force, work for the interests of Corporations, not it's own people, which is fascism.
Over three-quarters won't pay despite revised water charge proposals

Story by Paul Hughes



Over 79 percent of people in Westmeath are still opposed to the introduction of water charges - despite moves by the Government last week to cap charges until 2019.

A WestmeathExaminer.ie poll of some 211 people has shown that 79.1 percent will not pay the water charges, and feel that they pay enough taxes already.


Meanwhile, the sample showed that some 20.9 percent feel that the revised charges are fair, and will pay.

The cap on charges, announced by the Government last week, will see bills from Irish Water of €160 for a one-adult household and €260 for all other households, reduced to €60 and €160 respectively after a €100 payment promised by the Government.

However, protests against the Government have intensified this week ahead of an anticipated monster demonstration outside the Dáil on December 10.

On Monday night, Westmeath County Council became the latest local authority to vote for the abolition of Irish Water.

A motion by Fianna Fáil's Cllr Ken Glynn received cross-party support, although protesters present were alarmed at news that Irish Water has contacted the council seeking information about its tenants.







Fergal Hing from Facebook




It is also about the stench of corruption amongst all county councillers





Dave Lyons from Facebook




Nobody should pay.....





Kat Geraghty from Facebook




It's about cronyism, corruption and traitors.




Linda Dunne from Facebook




And what they are not telling you is ... not everyone is going to qualify for the 100 euro .... but by that time they will have you signed up to Irish Water .... only way to defeat this now is if we all stick together and refuse to pay .... We already pay for our water!!!




Geraldinee Morris from Facebook




If its going to take welfare so long to process the 100 euro what not avoid it by irish water taking it off bill n the welfare processing one payment to irish water




Danny Lyons from




Aw! stop complaining. lol.




Niamh Hogan Dunn from Facebook




all of the above/below...





Eddie Nugent from Facebook




ok, then its a ridiculous question, which annoyed me so much that i did not read the 2nd





Westmeath Examiner from Facebook




It's not a comment Eddie, it's a question, and there are two of them...





Annette Temple from Facebook




It's about this governments ineptitude, lies, fraud, cronyism, lies, deafness, lies and their inability to actually listen to the people they're supposed to represent! Oh and water charges. Dec 10th all roads lead to the dáil!




Anne O Connor from Facebook




Combination of still water ( unconvinced by the supposed protection against privatisation ) and general feeling of betrayal with the government. Not an inch.
FlagShareLikeReply




Will Tilley from Facebook




It's a combination of both... public revolt against austerity coupled with the pure incompetence on the part of Irish Water for actually running an efficient "company". I wont be paying anyway, that's for sure.



 POPE CRITICIZES EUROPE
Ladies and Gentlemen, Members of the European Parliament, within this dynamic of unity and particularity, yours is the responsibility of keeping democracy alive for the peoples of Europe.  It is no secret that a conception of unity seen as uniformity strikes at the vitality of the democratic system, weakening the rich, fruitful and constructive interplay of organizations and political parties.  This leads to the risk of living in a world of ideas, of mere words, of images, of sophistry… and to end up confusing the reality of democracy with a new political nominalism.  Keeping democracy alive in Europe requires avoiding the many globalizing tendencies to dilute reality: namely, angelic forms of purity, dictatorships of relativism, brands of a historical fundamentalism, ethical systems lacking kindness, and intellectual discourse bereft of wisdom.
            Keeping democracies alive is a challenge in the present historic moment.  The true strength of our democracies – understood as expressions of the political will of the people – must not be allowed to collapse under the pressure of multinational interests which are not universal, which weaken them and turn them into uniform systems of economic power at the service of unseen empires.  This is one of the challenges which history sets before you today.
            To give Europe hope means more than simply acknowledging the centrality of the human person; it also implies nurturing the gifts of each man and woman.  It means investing in individuals and in those settings in which their talents are shaped and flourish.  The first area surely is that of education, beginning with the family, the fundamental cell and most precious element of any society.  The family, united, fruitful and indissoluble, possesses the elements fundamental for fostering hope in the future.  Without this solid basis, the future ends up being built on sand, with dire social consequences.  Then too, stressing the importance of the family not only helps to give direction and hope to new generations, but also to many of our elderly, who are often forced to live alone and are effectively abandoned because there is no longer the warmth of a family hearth able to accompany and support them. 

-

Monday, 1 December 2014

FEIC U IRISH WATER I'll Drink Piss First! right2water

A for feics sake!" 



Irish verb meaning to see. Used commonly to mean "wow" or "damn".

Also in "ah for feics sake" as a mild curse-word. 
Seán Ó Feic



SIPO rules on political donations to Irish politcial parties and TD politcians are a joke.

The whole SIPO perception of any meaningful “over-sight” due to its woefully inadequate requirements and politically appointed boards are a sham, with rules so easily circumvented, that any info gleaned from SIPO records/filings is only ever a small part of the true picture.These laughable “requirements” are totally ineffective. SIPO and its political appointed cronies of Fine Gael, are enabling Fine Gael to pockedt millions from corporations to do what they like in Ireland. TDs who are receiving huge sums of monies outside of SIPO s bullshit requirements, while the Fine Gael politcians are breaking their arses laughing at the plain people of Ireland, when they fill out these declarable interests forms.SIPO = More loopholes than a loop the loop.




The LifeStraw is saving lives with its simple yet powerful water filtration method.




Over one sixth of the world’s population is without clean water – that’s around one billion people suffering from malnutrition at this very moment. Water.org states that 3.4 million people die each year from water, sanitation, and hygiene-related issues, and about 6000 children die every day for the same reason, hence this issue can be considered one of, if not the, greatest current global crises. Safe water interventions are thus the most urgent international dialogues as these technologies have the ability to transform the lives of millions, especially in developing countries.


Enter the LifeStraw, a powerful yet compact and simple water filtration system which may be the solution to world’s water emergency. Its body is tubular in shape, extending 25cm long and 29mm in diameter. How it works is simple: place one end of the tube into water and suck from the other end, that’s it. Positive test results have been achieved on tap, turbid and saline water against common waterborne bacteria such as Salmonella, Shigella, Enterococcus and Staphylococci.


This LifeStraw was designed with special emphasize on avoiding any moving parts, as a sealed unit with no replaceable spare parts, and avoiding the use of electricity, which does not exist in many areas in the 3rd world. Because force (power) is required to implement the filtering, Vestergaard Frandsen chose to use the natural source of sucking, that even babies are able to perform.


What first meets the water when sucked up is a pre-filter of PE filter textile with a mesh opening of 100 microns, shortly followed by a second textile filter in polyester with a mesh opening of 15 microns. In this way all big particles are filtered out, even clusters of bacteria are removed. The first iteration of LifeStraw used iodine to kill bacteria, but the 2012 version contains no chemicals. Instead, the product incorporates mechanical filtration. When you suck on your LifeStraw, water is forced through hollow fibers, which contain pores less than 0.2 microns across — thus, a micro-filtration device. Any dirt, bacteria or parasites are trapped in the fibers, while the clean water passes through. When you’re done drinking, you simply blow air out of the straw to clear the filter.





The LifeStraw website states that each straw has a life-time of 1000 liters, that’s over one year worth of water consumption for one person. With all this in mind, one would think this system rings in heavy on the wallet. However, Vestergaard Frandsen made the cost of this technology its main feature, placing the LifeStraw at a price of only $20 USD. His main goal was for it to be affordable and accessible to people in developing countries.


The original idea was created ten years ago by Torben Vestergaard Frandsen, but over the years in partnership with The Carter Center, Rob Fleuren from Holland and Moshe Frommer from Israel, the Lifestraw emerged from work designed to make water filters capable of safeguarding against Guinea Worm. LifeStraw can also keep away bacteria and diseases like diphtheria, cholera and diarrhoea.





This technology is winning awards for a reason. Through people’s donations the LifeStraw has the ability to make history. Please visit their website for more information and join the movement that’s saving lives all around the globe!

CORPORATE BLUESHIRT FASCISM IRELAND Right2Water




The Nazi's first concentration camp was filled with social democrats, socialists, trade unionists while smashing democratic discourse among the people. It is also true that Fascism, in all its forms, attacks science and intellectual life, espousing ignorance and superstition, to obfuscate its political reactionary nature. Fascist Censorship in all it's guises, still governs the superficial public, discourse, of the Irish people of no property, to the point that it is accepted as the norm, even among their own.

The early twentieth century Italians, invented the word fascism. They also had a more descriptive term for the it ;estato corporativo or the corporatist state. As a result of its history in Germany and Spain, we have come to equate fascism with its symptoms, not with it's structure. The structure of fascism is corporatism, or the corporate state. The structure of fascism is the union, marriage, merger or fusion of corporate economic power with governmental power. Failing to understand fascism properly, as the consolidation of corporate economic and governmental power in the hands of a few, is to completely misunderstand what fascism is. The consolidation of this power, produces the demagogues and regimes we understand to be fascist.

The suppression and corruption of genuine organized Labour, is critical for corporations, who are the most important check on corporate power, other than authentic government, with a legal system, that prioritizes a nation's citizens, ahead of corporate lobbyists. This is not the case in any part of Ireland.
In both Orange and Green states In Ireland, the supremacy of the military state, is underpinned with extra judicial powers, military style courts, without juries are necessary, not to protect people but to protect corporate profits, with threats from abroad.

Cronyism and governmental corruption is the norm in Ireland, with ex-corporate employees running state agencies and creating legislation that are the norm in Ireland, which replace legislation, that is supposed to regulate or check corporate power. Controlling the media for Corporate propaganda, is also standard in both parts of Ireland.All of these characteristics have an obvious corporate component and produce obvious corporate benefit, which is on full display in Ireland currently, in the water protests.


People in Ireland, are starting to resist the Blueshirt State of Fine Gael, with their peaceful protests of waving signs and chanting slogans, but the overreaction of the Blueshirt state, to the oppressed plain people of Ireland, is leading to even more resistance. Eventually Irish commerce will shut down from the extreme Blueshirt measures. The money still being blown by Leinster House, will speed the bankruptcy of Ireland again. Older Irish people may disagree but the young people of Ireland,will have to live through the consequence of this horror for generations to come, if the Blueshirts remain in power, creating further revolt and suffering, as they did previously in Ireland's horrific history.



Fascism Anyone?

Fascism’s principles are alive in all parts of Ireland today, masquerading as something else, preventing real democracy and the self determination of Ireland's communities. The article below by Laurence W. Britt, is placed in a an Irish context Ireland continues to fail to learn from history, or draws the wrong conclusions. Sadly, historical amnesia is the norm in Ireland and elsewhere.

We are three generations removed from the horrors of Nazi Germany, although constant reminders jog the consciousness. German and Italian fascism form the historical models that define this twisted political worldview. Although they no longer exist, this worldview and the characteristics of these models have been imitated by protofascist1 regimes at various times in the twentieth century. Both the original German and Italian models and the later protofascist regimes show remarkably similar characteristics. Although many scholars question any direct connection among these regimes, few can dispute their visual similarities.

Beyond the visual, even a cursory study of these fascist and protofascist regimes reveals the absolutely striking convergence of their modus operandi. This, of course, is not a revelation to the informed political observer, but it is sometimes useful in the interests of perspective to restate obvious facts and in so doing shed needed light on current circumstances.

For the purpose of an Irish perspective, we will consider the following regimes: Fine Gael (Blueshirts) Ireland, Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Franco’s Spain, Salazar’s Portugal, Papadopoulos’s Greece, Pinochet’s Chile, and Suharto’s Indonesia. To be sure, they constitute a mixed bag of national identities, cultures, developmental levels, and history. But they all followed the fascist or protofascist model in obtaining, expanding, and maintaining power. Further, all these regimes have been overthrown, so a more or less complete picture of their basic characteristics and abuses is possible.

Analysis of these seven regimes reveals fourteen common threads that link them in recognizable patterns of national behavior and abuse of power. These basic characteristics are more prevalent and intense in some regimes than in others, but they all share at least some level of similarity.

1. 
Merger of Corporate Power and State Power. Although the personal life of ordinary citizens was under strict control, the ability of large corporations to operate in relative freedom was not compromised. The ruling elite saw the corporate structure as a way to not only ensure military production (in developed states), but also as an additional means of social control. Members of the economic elite were often pampered by the political elite to ensure a continued mutuality of interests, especially in the repression of “have-not” citizens.

2. Disdain for the importance of human rights. The regimes themselves viewed human rights as of little value and a hindrance to realizing the objectives of the ruling elite. Through clever use of propaganda, the population was brought to accept these human rights abuses by marginalizing, even demonizing, those being targeted. When abuse was egregious, the tactic was to use secrecy, denial, and disinformation.

3. Identification of enemies/scapegoats as a unifying cause. The most significant common thread among these regimes was the use of scapegoating as a means to divert the people’s attention from other problems, to shift blame for failures, and to channel frustration in controlled directions. The methods of choice—relentless propaganda and disinformation—were usually effective. Often the regimes would incite “spontaneous” acts against the target scapegoats, usually communists, socialists, liberals, Jews, ethnic and racial minorities, traditional national enemies, members of other religions, secularists, homosexuals, and“terrorists.” Active opponents of these regimes were inevitably labeled as terrorists and dealt with accordingly.

4. The supremacy of the military/avid militarism. Ruling elites always identified closely with the military and the industrial infrastructure that supported it. A disproportionate share of national resources was allocated to the military, even when domestic needs were acute. The military was seen as an expression of nationalism, and was used whenever possible to assert national goals, intimidate other nations, and increase the power and prestige of the ruling elite.

5. Rampant sexism. Beyond the simple fact that the political elite and the national culture were male-dominated, these regimes inevitably viewed women as second-class citizens. They were adamantly anti-abortion and also homophobic. These attitudes were usually codified in Draconian laws that enjoyed strong support by the orthodox religion of the country, thus lending the regime cover for its abuses.

6. A controlled mass media. Under some of the regimes, the mass media were under strict direct control and could be relied upon never to stray from the party line. Other regimes exercised more subtle power to ensure media orthodoxy. Methods included the control of licensing and access to resources, economic pressure, appeals to patriotism, and implied threats. The leaders of the mass media were often politically compatible with the power elite. The result was usually success in keeping the general public unaware of the regimes’ excesses.

7. Obsession with national security. Inevitably, a national security apparatus was under direct control of the ruling elite. It was usually an instrument of oppression, operating in secret and beyond any constraints. Its actions were justified under the rubric of protecting “national security,” and questioning its activities was portrayed as unpatriotic or even treasonous.

8. Religion and ruling elite tied together. Unlike communist regimes, the fascist and protofascist regimes were never proclaimed as godless by their opponents. In fact, most of the regimes attached themselves to the predominant religion of the country and chose to portray themselves as militant defenders of that religion. The fact that the ruling elite’s behavior was incompatible with the precepts of the religion was generally swept under the rug. Propaganda kept up the illusion that the ruling elites were defenders of the faith and opponents of the “godless.” A perception was manufactured that opposing the power elite was tantamount to an attack on religion.

9. 
Powerful and continuing expressions of Nationalism as opposed to Self Determination of the island of Ireland. From the prominent displays of flags and bunting to the ubiquitous lapel pins, the fervor to show patriotic nationalism, both on the part of the regime itself and of citizens caught up in its frenzy, was always obvious. Catchy slogans, pride in the military, and demands for unity were common themes in expressing this nationalism. It was usually coupled with a suspicion of things foreign that often bordered on xenophobia.

10. Power of labour suppressed or eliminated. Since organized labor was seen as the one power center that could challenge the political hegemony of the ruling elite and its corporate allies, it was inevitably crushed or made powerless. The poor formed an underclass, viewed with suspicion or outright contempt. Under some regimes, being poor was considered akin to a vice.

11. Disdain and suppression of intellectuals and the arts. Intellectuals and the inherent freedom of ideas and expression associated with them were anathema to these regimes. Intellectual and academic freedom were considered subversive to national security and the patriotic ideal. Universities were tightly controlled; politically unreliable faculty harassed or eliminated. Unorthodox ideas or expressions of dissent were strongly attacked, silenced, or crushed. To these regimes, art and literature should serve the national interest or they had no right to exist.

12. Obsession with crime and punishment. Most of these regimes maintained Draconian systems of criminal justice with huge prison populations. The police were often glorified and had almost unchecked power, leading to rampant abuse. “Normal” and political crime were often merged into trumped-up criminal charges and sometimes used against political opponents of the regime. Fear, and hatred, of criminals or “traitors” was often promoted among the population as an excuse for more police power.

13. Rampant cronyism and corruption. Those in business circles and close to the power elite often used their position to enrich themselves. This corruption worked both ways; the power elite would receive financial gifts and property from the economic elite, who in turn would gain the benefit of government favoritism. Members of the power elite were in a position to obtain vast wealth from other sources as well: for example, by stealing national resources. With the national security apparatus under control and the media muzzled, this corruption was largely unconstrained and not well understood by the general population.

14. Fraudulent elections. Elections in the form of plebiscites or public opinion polls were usually bogus. When actual elections with candidates were held, they would usually be perverted by the power elite to get the desired result. Common methods included maintaining control of the election machinery, intimidating an disenfranchising opposition voters, destroying or disallowing legal votes, and, as a last resort, turning to a judiciary beholden to the power elite.