Showing posts with label IRA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label IRA. Show all posts

Tuesday, 31 March 2015

MARTIN McGUINNESS TRUDGING TO THE DUSTBIN OF HISTORY







Victims of IRA atrocities say they have been "stabbed in the back" by the Government after being told they would get no help in their legal battle for compensation from Libya.


The dictator's Semtex was used in dozens of IRA attacks across the UK, including Enniskillen and Ballygawley in Northern Ireland and Harrods and Warrington in England.

However, as victims slammed the Government snub last night, fresh hope emerged when Labour leader Ed Miliband said if he became Prime Minister he would pressurise the Libyans.


A damages case was brought in the US courts but collapsed seven years ago. An email obtained by a UK newspaper showed how Tony Blair, with the knowledge of the Foreign Office, intervened on behalf of Gaddafi over the compensation claims.

It led to a deal between Libya and the US in which American victims of Libyan-sponsored terrorism received multi-million-pound payments but UK victims received nothing.
The UK victims have continued their campaign and David Cameron had promised to help. Last year, Mr Cameron appointed Sir Kim Darroch, his national security adviser, to assist in what families hoped would be a concerted effort to secure compensation.

But now Sir Kim has written to victims' relations and lawyers telling them the Government cannot intervene on their behalf.

Sir Kim wrote: "Individual compensation claims are best pursued through private campaigns. So the Government will not directly lobby for payment of specific claims."

Enniskillen Poppy Day bomb survivor Stephen Gault said: "It doesn't surprise me that the British Government has done this. Tony Blair has stabbed the back of the innocent victims yet again.

"He was part of the negotiating team when the Americans secured compensation but he did nothing. He is afraid to go against Sinn Fein and the IRA.

"The whole thing is rotten. The British Government is rotten and we have just been stabbed in the back yet again. We thought we would have an ally in the Conservatives but that is not the case as they have let us down again.


"I would feel betrayed by the British Government. It always seems they are appeasing the terrorist. This is just another nail in the coffin for victims."

DUP MP Jeffrey Donaldson said yesterday: "I met recently with Sir Kim and I impressed upon him the importance of the Government continuing to support the victims in their quest for recognition and indeed for compensation, it is therefore disappointing to read the contents of the letter which has been issued to the victims.

"It is something we will be raising with whoever forms the next government because we have had a Labour government and a Conservative government, neither of whom have been able to help victims from across the UK who are seeking compensation from Libya."

Jonathan Ganesh, who survived the Canary Wharf bombing in London, said: "It is very disappointing. These people desperately need help. I have met many of these people. I have been to Northern Ireland several times, all different people of different religions have been affected.

"And we must remember the Americans were compensated." - Belfast Telegraph

At the end of 1985 Frank Hegarty from Derry worked with the Quarter Master General’s department in the IRA, helping shift weapons which were starting to arrive, which included plastic explosives from Libya. After the Hunger Stirke, Libyan Intelligence and the IRA made a deal. The Libyans would supply hundreds of tons of weaponry and millions of pounds to the IRA, provided  they made life hell for Mrs Thatcher’s government, something the IRA rank and file were enthusiastic about. Libya wanted revenge for the expulsion of their Diplomats from London, after policewoman Yvonne Fletcher was shot.

Martin McGuinness a former Chief of Staff of the IRA, had fellow Derryman, Hegarty cleared to be part of the unit, that moved 80 AK-47’s, smuggled from Libya in August 1985, to two temporary dumps in Roscommon and Sligo, where they were discovered by the Garda Special Branch, who were responsible for everything that happened in that area, and raided the dumps. The British & Irish intelligence, came very close to discovering, the Libyan arms smuggling at a very early stage. Hegarty realized that his previous expulsion from the IRA would become known, when the IRA investigated the arms seizure and that he would be the prime suspect, for betraying the weapons, so he fled to England where MI5 kept him in a safe house. The IRA learned, that Martin McGuinness had cleared Hegarty for the operation and was aware of Hegarty's previous expulsion. McGuinness wnated to be Chief of Staff again but the whole episode sullied his reputation. He enticed Hegarty back home, with assurances to both Hegarty and his mother but after Hegarty was interrogated by an IRA Internal Security Unit, he was executed, saving McGuinness from the ame fate in the process. 


McGuinness is a very wealthy man today, as a result of all the money the British and Gadaffi gave him, so it seems rather odd that the victims do not pursue him, as he is the only wealthy individual around, who was involved with the plastic explosives, that killed all of the victims. The victims would need to do so promptly, before the same fate happen's to McGuinness, as happened to Gadaffi. McGuinness is now an old man and will soon be going where  he belongs from now on, into the dustbin of history. Apparently, there are many around, who would like to speed that process up, so the victims would need to act quickly, to recover his vast wealth offshore, otherwise they will miss out once again, as they have no chance of ever recovering monies from Libya, which is in total disarray, after Gadaffi met such a cruel death. It would indeed be a sad day for the victims, if McGuinness was buggered and tortured like Gadaffi, before they received their money, but for others, there would be celebrations all over Ireland, as when his good friend Thatcher, finally kicked the bucket. There were many young boys, buggered in Ireland like Gadaffi, during McGuinness's watch. Personally I have forgiven him not because I wanted too but because it sets my own Spirit Free and besides I believe everyone is entitled to jury of 12 jurors , so it's not for me to judge.However there is little doubt that he has betrayed the Irish people of no property, who gave him mandate to lead, instead of being a twisted servant of Her Majesty, the Queen of England.

Wednesday, 25 March 2015

BRITISH STATE COLLUDING IN MANY IRISH MURDERS






Willie Frazer, has been accused of many things, including being a bigot, a liar and a hypocrite. Now he stands accused of being connected with British State Collusion atrocities, which are part of the British Dirty War in Ireland. Willie wants to march on Dublin again, the scene of the murder of 33 innocent civilians, at the hands of the Glenanne Frazer counter-gang and other members of British death squads, sponsored by British taxpayers, while Willie Frazer himself, was also sponsored by taxpayers, to speak on behalf of the victims of his father's British, death, squad. Willie also speaks for the loyalist Orange Order, who are accused of hate speech, with many calls for the supremacist, sectarian,  Order, to be declared an illegal organization. 

After Willie's gang paraded in paramilitary uniform through Newry's North Street Flats and threatened to blow up the complex, upstanding citizens of North Street and myself, were forced to hold a 'Buckfast Valium Party' and gate crash Glennane Hall, to let Willie's Gang know, who was really in charge, in the area. That was way back before I sobered up, and I really don't want to do that sort of thing again, but if Willie keeps provoking Dublin, there could be more "Buckfast Valium Parties" on the Summer horizon, with Willie's hate marching season, soon starting.

There are many claims, that Willie Frazer attempted to create a hierarchy of victimhood, with an innocent victims group, while at the same time, claiming his own Father, was just a member of the British Army, when they indiscrimanately murdered, scores upon scores of innocent Irish people, while in fact, he was a member of a British State, death squad, also known as the Glenanne Gang.William McCaughey, an RUC member,(British Police) and Robert McConnell, a friend of Frazer, were also members of the British State Death Squad. McCaughey claimed on the British Broadcating Corporation, that the Glenanne Gang, intended to murder up to 30 school children in Belleeks, in South Armagh. They called it off for fear of an IRA response or Civil War.

Willie Frazer, was mentored, by huge sums of taxpayers monies, for a Victims Forum, which included a fellow Protestant, Alan Bracknell. Willie's father was shot, after the British State, Glenanne Gang, bombed Donnelly's bar in Silverbridge. Willie Frazer, described his father and others involved in British State collusion, such as Robert McConnell, as innocent victims, while sitting at the same table, as Alan Bracknell, knowing full well, his father and Uncle, along with the British Government, were responsible for Trevor Bracknells death. Now this is not just a one sided perspective. In the British Unionist Newspaper today, is an article by the Belfast Telegraph on these matters.



British State 'colluded in over 80 murders'




The aftermath of the UVF Step Inn pub bombing, Keady, in August 1976

24 MARCH 2015
The British State was involved in mass murder on British soil, a lawyer has told a coroner's court.

RELATED ARTICLES

[TICON-A VIDEO] Glenanne gang: Notorious death squad 'fuelled by collusion'

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Liam Clarke: Time to come clean on the dirty war to ease pain of families

Colum Eastwood: 'Lethal Allies' - Uncomfortable truth on state collusion must be faced up to'


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The security forces colluded with loyalist paramilitaries in 80 deaths between July 1972 and June 1978 in Northern Ireland's "murder triangle" in counties Armagh and Tyrone, Leslie Thomas QC said.

He said many were carried out by the Glenanne Gang of gunmen with the alleged involvement of soldiers and police officers.

Mr Thomas said it could take a year to hear inquests and compared the task to that of investigating the Hillsborough football disaster.

"If what we say is right this is the biggest involvement of state agents in mass murder on British soil," he said.

He added: "We say that what the families of the bereaved want, quite simply can be put in a few words: they want the truth, they want the truth to come out, they want justice."

Mr Thomas was addressing a preliminary hearing in Belfast of two inquests involving a Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) bombing at the Step Inn in Keady in Co Armagh in 1976 during which Catholics Elizabeth McDonald, 38, and Gerard McGleenan, 22, died.

He said the same weapons were used in many of the Glenanne murders and the killers adopted the same modus operandi, accused the authorities of state-sponsored terrorism and claimed one individual involved in killing Ms McDonald should have been dealt with sooner.

He said: "The murder of Betty McDonald could have been avoided, could have been avoided had that individual been taken off the street earlier on or the weapons been taken off the street earlier on, or there had not been the collusion amongst state agents in covering up earlier murders then in terms of Betty McDonald's right to life we say she may be still here today, living long into life with her husband."

The UVF gang operated out of farms in Armagh and Tyrone in the mid 1970s when the Troubles were at their worst.

Lawyers for the victims have insisted only a public inquiry or an inquest covering all the deaths can get to the truth of the collusion claims. Senior coroner John Leckey said he was constrained by the resources available to his office.

The Police Service of Northern Ireland's (PSNI) Historical Enquiries Team (HET) has found "indisputable evidence" of security force collusion in the group.

Northern Ireland Secretary Theresa Villiers has declined to be represented at the inquest. No submission has been made to her seeking a public inquiry but Mr Thomas said the McDonald family was not surprised she allegedly did not want to be involved.

He added: "This is the biggest case of state collusion in mass murder of innocent individuals. This is a state murdering its own, you cannot get bigger than that, and therefore while one sees and understands and looks at what is happening in Hillsborough, if what we say has occurred on, lets face it, British soil, why should that not be investigated?

"British security agents being involved in deaths of British citizens, it does not get worse than that."

Mother-of-three Ms McDonald and Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) footballer Mr McGleenan were killed when a no-warning loyalist bomb detonated outside the Step Inn pub and nearby houses in August 1976. Twenty-five other people were injured.

Northern Ireland's Attorney General John Larkin QC ordered the new inquest.

Mr Thomas acknowledged there had been convictions in some of the other killings he said were linked, but he added a narrow criminal investigation was not enough.

He said across the cases there had been a repetition of similar failings by the investigating authorities, a lack of criminal convictions, the killings happened in close proximity to each other, and created similar victims while pursuing similar modus operandi.

He added the deaths involved a similar group of individuals involved in a number of attacks.

"Many of those responsible were either serving or former members of the security forces. There were close ballistic links between the victims, the weapons used in many of the killings which originated within the Ulster Defence Regiment (a branch of the army recruited in Northern Ireland)."

He quoted the HET report: "Despite the obvious pattern and linkages between these offences, only cursory efforts have been made to investigate further.

"No determined efforts were made to investigate them in a meaningful fashion.

"This (Step Inn) bombing could have been prevented and should have been detected."

Mr Thomas said precedents for a linked series of inquests were given by that into the deaths of Russian agent Alexander Litvinenko and Azelle Rodney, who was allegedly shot dead by Met Police.

He told Mr Leckey: "I can connect and join the dots in relation to various individuals who were named here to various atrocities, various bombings, various shootings, various matters and I can make the link on various weapons, various ballistics.

"This document enables me to tie up individuals."

Sunday, 22 March 2015

AS SICK AS OUR SECRET SERVICES




MI5 Killers Sabotaged Chinook Helicopter That Crashed at Mull of Kintyre in 1994 Finally Exposed?


by Trowbridge H. Ford

The fog has never really cleared since an RAF Chinook helicopter crashed through it on the Hill of Stone at the Mull of Kintyre on June 2, 1994, killing all 25 intelligence agents and the crew of four on board while on its way to Fort George in Scotland to attend an annual conference on counterterrorism. While the incident is of more recent vintage than Bloody Sunday when British soldiers, epecially of the Parachute Regiment, cut down forteen civilians after shots were fired by unknown parties, the helicopter crash caused 29 victims. In addition, the Army massacre occurred in an area where plans had long been made for meeting some such incident, the crash came as a complete surprise. Ultimately, both incidents were the subject of several inquiries which resulted in quite changing explanations of the tragedies. The only sure thing is that Bloody Sunday helped usher in direct rule from London while the helicopter crash helped usher it out.

During 1971, the Official and Provisional Irish Republican Armies had established "no-go" areas in Derry, much unlike the situation in Belfast, and much to the British Army's disgust. London's introduction of internment without trial earlier had been in the hope of seperatiing the troublemakers from the general Catholic population in the expectation of re-establishing some kind of stability but it wasn's working in Derry.To deal with the problem, London adopted the plan of Commander Land Forces, Major General Robert Ford, of carrying out a search and control operation for the gunmen while clearing away the barricades.(1)

In explaining the policy, Ford and lower commanders made it increasingly possible that protesters might be aimed at, and shot in any confrontation over its implementation. This occurred when protesters marched on January 22, 1972 to Magilligan Point to show their opposition to internment Then after the Provisionals shot dead two Royal Irish Constabulary (RUC) police officers, the first in the growing conflict, the Brish Army tried to prevent a similar march from reaching Derry's Guildhall Square a week later by employing the First Parachute Regiment to help "scoop up" the troublemakers.

All hell broke loose on January 30th when a crowd of 10,000 protesters started marching on the City Centre, and a group of troublemakers broke off from the main group as it neared it to confront the barricading soliders. At the same time, straggers started engaging the Paras who had taken up position on the high wall behind the William Street Presbyterian Church. Then shots were exchanged, six in all, one apparently by the Offical IRA, and the other by the British Army, hitting two persons who they falsely claimed to be nail-bombers, and only one of whom was involved in the IRA in the march. Then the military forces behind the barricades, assisted by the Paras, executed a pincer movement against the rioters who were confronting them. In the ensuing mele, a youth was killed in the courtyard of the Rossville Flats."The other tweleve victims of 'Bloody Sunday' died elsewhere." (2) Again, it was a question of who had fired first, if at all on the marchers' side, and how many rounds.

The tragedy was investigated by Lord Widgery, the Lord Chief Justice of England, and he rushed to judgment in no uncertain terms on the side of the forces, merely compounding what was seen by almost all as a outright victory for the Provisionals, as direct rule on London soon followed.

The only trouble was that the IRA, instead of sitting on their laurels and waiting for the British chickens to come home to roost, went on the offensive, culminating in their own Bloody Friday which turned the tables back in Britain's favor. The Offical IRA set off a bomb on February 22nd at the Paras' headquarters in Aldershot, killing five cleaning ladies, an Army chaplain, and a gardener.(3) Then there was a bombing in Derry, and a killing of a young Royal Irish Ranger which caused such blowback against the Officials that they were obliged to call a ceasefire. While the Provisionals were soon obliged to follow suit because of similar mistakes, the whole situation changed for them when they caused Bloody Friday on July 21st - setting of twenty car bombs in Befast, killing nine people and injuring 130.

Instead of the Provos, and the Brits for that matter, admitting their mistakes, and seriously chaning their ways, they just refined them, focusing them more on military targets, and trying to reduce the collateral damage. The battle, consequently, waxed and waned for both sides. The British had the upper hand most of the time, and only losing it when they overplayed their military advantage. This was most obvious during the SAS operations all over the province in the late 1970s after its introduction into South Armagh, Operation 'RANC' against selected targets by Secretary of State Humphrey Atkins' Army after the assassination of Airey Neave,and the cull of Provisionals after the Olof Palme assassination failed to trigger a non-nuclear conculsion to the Cold War at the Soviets' and Gaddafi's expense. About suich shoot-to-kill operations, Father Raymond Murray grimly concluded in The SAS in Ireland that there was no UK solution to the Troubles since the military was on a war footing, and given a license to kill.(4)

Surprisingly, this prediction did not prove to be true, showing once again that even the best informed experts are little better than laymen in predicting the future. Murray's failure was compounded by the fact that he had relied upon the most involved, dedicated politician in making it, the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. At the Brighton Conservative Party Congress in 1988, the town where she had almost been assassinated just four years earlier, and after the SAS had shot dead those three Provo volunteers at Gibraltar, she declared: "We shall never give up the search for more effective means of defeating the IRA. If the IRA think that they can weary or frighten us, they have made a terrible miscalculation. People sometimes say that it is wrong to use the word 'never' in politics. I disagree. Some things are of such fundamental importance that no other word is appropriate. So I say once again today that this Government will never surrender to the IRA. Never." (5)

Margaret Thatcher proved to be her own political gravedigger in making Murray wrong, and she herself right. It all started when the Prime Minister went beserk when Captain Simon Hayward' biography, Under Fire: My Own Story, appeared. Hayward, apparently Olof Palme's assassin who had subsequently been set-up on a drug-smuggling charge in Sweden to conveniently get him out of the way for the still unsolved crime, had written most bitterly about how the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence personnel had dealt with his problems there, and now Foreign Secretary Sir Geoffrey Howe had allowed it all to be made public - what could only arouse questions about what else was going on.(6) Seemingly out of the blue, the Prime Minister sacked the Foreign Secretary and the Secretary of Defence George Younger had resigned in protest over Howe's treatment.

While this profound shake-up was never explained, only crudely covered up by her underlings, and in her autobiography, it had long-term consequences upon her tenure as Prime Minister. Howe, demoted to Leader of the House of Commons, a completely useless post, was most bitter about his treatment, waiting for a chance to get even. The loss of Younger was even more important since he had handled Thatcher's re-election the last time she was up for party leader. Without Younger, there was no one willing to mobilize support for her, and in a growing political vacuum, she isolated herself even more as her closest adviser on Northern Ireland, Ian Gow, was assassinated in July 1990 in a way which most recalled Airey Neave's murder.(7) It seemed hardly deserved after the British had allowed the IRA's last flying column attack on its Derryard outpost to escape without loss after it had killed two soldiers of the King's Own Scottish Bordereres.

The attack was the long-delayed 'tet' offensive, designed to spark an uprising in the North to join the Republic - what had long been delayed by the capture of the Eksund, loaded wíth Libyan weapons for the Provos. Since the SAS culls of their volunteers, culiminating with the one on The Rock, the Brits had had to play it cool because they overdid it, losing their prime source in the PIRA Council, aka "Steak Knife", in the process. He helped organize the booby trap which killed six British soldiers in Lisburn in June 1988, and the Semtex improvised explovie device which killed another eight along the Ballygawley-Omagh Road two months later.

Peter Brooke had taken over as the Northern Ireland Secretary of State by then, and stunned the public on November 1st that if the IRA stopped their violent activities, the Government might well be obliged to negotiate a settlement with it.(8) This was taken by the Provos as a sign of weakness by the British, so they carried out an attack on the mainland, killing 11 Royal Marine bandsmen at Deal, Kent in following September.

The attack on Derryard, near Rosslea, on December 13th proved how wrong they were. The surprise attack by about 20 volunteers from Fermanagh in the Republic was heavily armed with a flamethrower, and two heavy 12.7mm DShK machine guns mounted on armored vehicles. Others with armed with 11 AK-47s and grenades. No sonner had the attack started, Moloney has written, than "...the column itself came under attack. Heavy gunfire was directed at its members from fields about fifty yards away, while a British army Wessex helicopter appeared from nowhere over a nearby hill. the column fled, leaving behind the primed van bomb." (9)

It was the greatest humiliation that the Provos ever suffered during the Troubles, and this once it could not be blamed on any tout, especially 'Steak knife", tipping off the Brits as he had participated in the attack. The British had learned of it by military eavesdropping in Ulster on their preparations. Its 'Vengeful' system of computers checked on the movement of vehicles concerned while the 'Crucible' one followed the movements of its personnel.(10)

The fallout from the fiasco was so damning that the Provos were obliged most reluctantly to declare a three-day-ceasefire over Christmas - what the media chose to see as a response of Brooke's offer. (11) This revived peace talks which had been dormant for a decade. Only this time, it was "Steak Knife" himself who was dealing with the leading MI5 official John Deverell in Derry rather than MI6's Michael Oatley under now the excuse that the PM was still not interested in talking to the Provos because it would be seen as an obvious U-turn by the *Iron Lady'.

Then a ruse had to be invented to get her out of the way, and make her subordinates do the dealing. Thiis was kicked off by the former Foreign Secretary Howe
challenging her style of leaderhp in his famous resignation speech in the Commons on November 13th. This was seen as opening the door for Michael Heseltine, her arch enemy, replacing her - what seemed to be happening when his challenge for the party leadership resulted in a second ballot on the issue. She chose to see it as failing a vote of confiden, and resigned, to everyone's surprise, as PM. She even tried to stay on without its support, but her colleagues would not hear of such an unprecedented effort. Perhaps, it was just a ruse to show how committed she was against any dealings with the Provisionals.

With the 'Iron Lady' out of the way, steps to arrange a settlement gathered pace. The most imporant one was to hand over the computers systems to the RUC's Special Branch so that it could stop violent incidents while bringing their perpetrators to account rather than just allowing the covert operators do another ambush or cull. The leader of the new approach was Detective Chief Inspector Ian Phoenix.

He was the last policeman one would expect to get the position - having served nine years in the Parachute Regiment, and well acquainted with its former Commaning Officer Peter Chiswell who in 1982 became Commander, Land Forces, Northern Ireland. Perhaps that was the whole idea bejind his appointment. Despite his career during which he had become a Lance Corporal, he had grown tired of struggles, and was most desirous of achieving a peaceful settlement in the province - what led his colleagues in the SAS on more than one occasion to wonder why they were there then. Phoenix even devised an SAS airborne response to another Derryard assault, one which called for the use of no less than eight helicopters.(12) He even suggested the mounting of Tannoys on them, and the playing of Wagner's "Ride of the Valkyries" if their use had ever become necessary

The ensuing struggle between peacemakers and warmakers in Northern Ireland has been more complicated then than anyone imagined, especially from the British side. While the Provos were slowly brought along, thanks to the convenient imprisonment of '"Steak knife" apparently aka Padraig Wilson so that he would not be assaasinated by his more aggressive colleagues, and could bring imprisoned ones along with the peace process, the British were confronted by keeping it officially going by having still a government in Westminster which would endorse it, stopping the infigfhting by warmakers on the mainland and in the province from continuing their disputes, getting counter insurgency elements in Northern Ireland and on the mainland to go along with a single agenda, and forgetting about complaints all concerned had about changing what they had long been involved in. In all this, despite appearances, Phoenix's RUC Special Branch group, involved in reducing political terrorism to just another form of domestic crime, was most central to the process.

Unfortunately, it got off to a most counter productive start after Private Lee Clegg, along with fellow soldiers, of the 3rd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment gunned down Martin Peake and Karen Reilly as they sped past a check point in West Belfast on September 30, 1990. The couple from Fermanagh, along with passenger Markiewicz Gorman, were on a joy ride after having stolen a car but the security forces suspected them of being Provo terrorists. Unwisely, the soldiers involved made out that the stolen car had hit Clegg in the process - what was completely demolished when BBC Panorama reporter John Ware discovered that a "... cardboard cut-out dummy of the Astra, decorated with bullet holes, fixed to the wall of the 32 Para's canteen near Belfast...The caption, on the wall above the dummy...said "VAUXHALL ASTRA: BUILT BY ROBOTS. DRIVEN BY JOY-RIDERS.. STOPPED BY 'A' COMPANY." (13)

The biggest trouble was not only were joy-riders made out to be terrorists, but also Karen Reilly was no Provo volunteer but the adopted daughter, it seems, of RUC policeman, and colleague of Phoenix's, John Reilly whose wife Diane who had been married to James McGrillen when she had Karen.(14) McGrillen, an IRA volunteer, had been shot dead similarly in 1976 for car theft. While the killing of Peake and Karen Reilly had just been a result of the Paras going after alleged Provo terrorists, the Reillys saw it as the result of Pheonix's Special Branch going slow on stopping real terrorism, goading the ´Paras to do more. Despite the fact that Ian and Susan Phoenix tried to band with the Reillys over the tragedy, making out that it was simply an accident, and even Ian attending her funeral despite orders against it (15), the Reíllys would not have any of it. Phoenix, it seems, had made a mortal enemy which norhing could undo.

On an institutional level, matters were just as bad in the province and on the mainland because MI5 aka the BOX thought that the RUC was not doing enough to stop Provo terrorism when it was actually doing more despite appearances. MI5 officials were completely turned off when they discovered while on a vist to the province, Phoenix and his agents having a champagne briefing in the morning during which 18 bottles were consummed for an SAS colleague who was leaving (16). Still, the unit, soon upgraded, was providing 80% of the intelligence which was stopping terrorist attacks. The biggest bone of contention between the BOX and Phoenix's unit was over who was directing the ASUs in Britain which were causing most of the havoc.MI5 believed that it was Sean McNulty in North Shields, and Phoenix's SB unit thought it was Phelim Hamill of Queen's Univeristy.

The biggest asset Phoenix had in stopping IRA killing was Martin McGartland aka 'Carol'.(17) McGartland began informing on the activities of 'H' whose ASU specialized in booby-trapping cars. Thanks to his leads, Ian's people prevented a Ulster Defence Regiment soldier from being blown up in North Down, prevented the blowing up of a policeman and a shopping center on November 1, 1990, and then it almost caught 'H' red handed with his bomb making factory.In all, McGartland was credited with having saved 50 people from death at the hands of the Provos.Ultimately, 'Carol' was captured by the Provos' Civil Administration Team aka the torturers, and only escaped death by jumping out of a windon when they were panicked by a helicopter passing overhead. With his cover blown, McGartland was forced to flee to Britain where he was given a new life as Martin Ashe in Whitley Bay, and £100,000, apparently by MI5.

While the SB unit proved ultimately to be right on the matter, leading to the closing down of Hamill's ASU in England, MI5 took over control from the Mets' Special Branch in May 1992 in stopping Provo operations on the mainland.To gain similar control in Northern Ireland, MI5 wanted to have more direct access to its intelligence - what Phoenix complained to its boss about, and he completely agreed, though it didn't stop. The matter came to a head when the top-secret intelligence conference took place in June 1993 near the Mull of Kintyre at the Machrihanish Air Base in Scotland. "Box claimed that it was not happy," Phoenix recorded bitterly in his diary, "with the Special Branch's 'passage of intelligence' and 'would willingly put some of their people in support of us. Kind of them',"(18) In the spring of 1994, Phoenix discovered that MI5 was carrying out operations which the RUC knew nothing about - what became Standard Operating Procedure after he was no longer there to stop it.(19)

Ian continued his fight against the Security Service by socialing more with the province's secuirty people, and increasing the unit's ability to gather intelligence about intended violence through electronic and human sources. On the day before he went to the 1994 top-secret security conference in Fort George, he even got
£2,000 for a handler to recruit a new Provo source.(20) Then Ian asked an alleged trusted colleague, apparently Reilly, if he could borrow his best Barbour jacket for the trip as he planned to do some hiking between conference meetings. Ian then met him over coffee, and "they briefly discussed the PIRA peace moves and how they might be pushed forward."(21) Then he went home at 2 PM to have lunch, and pack for the 5:45 PM from RAF Aldergrove, only to have the Reilly call again. "Have a good weekend. See you Monday." (22) It seemed a bit contrived, like someone wanting an alibi while being involved in some unknown covert action.

"In an interview hours before the crash, the Head of Special Branch (Bob Fitzsimmons) had told Sunday Times journalist Liam Clarke that Adams was trying to end the violence: 'However, he questioned Adams's ability to do so, and believed that a final decision to stop the killing would not be taken until security forces had weakened the terrorist structure.' " (23) Seems that Fitzsimmons' confidence was based upon the security establishment in Northern Ireland having resumed contact with McGartland, and he was on the ground at the Mull of Kintyre to be picked up so that he could be taken to the conference. He would tell it that the Provos were on the ropes, thanks to what he and Phoenix's people had done - what would be a great embarrassment and set-back to the BOX.

When the Chinook was loaded at Aldergrove, there were 25 secuirty officers on board - ten from the RUC, nine from military intelligence, and six from MI5 - plus a crew of four to fly the machine. After it had been airborne for 13 minutes, its passenger list was put through the shredder for secuirty reasons to help hide what was really going on.(24) Just before impact, the pilots changed the way point (WP) to the one at Corran, removing their immediate postion at the Mull of Kintyre from disclosure(25) The flight was then obliged to use a Covert Personnel Locator System (CPLS) where persons on the ground with a portable handset steered the helicopter in for the landing by a UHF radio signal which is received onboard. The only trouble was that it wasn't the landing pad they wanted but a "vertical corner" which forced it into crashing into the Mull's Hill of Stone, killing twenty nine people whose bodies were found on the ground.(26)

The person they planned to pick up, apparently Martin McGartland, witnessed the crash and was horrified by it. Instead of the conference being obliged to work on closely with the RUC, especially its SB, it just acknowledged that MI5 ran everything now because there was really no one else. The source who McGartland wanted to develop, whoever it was, didn't need to be told that the Provos best hopes in a settlement had been greatly reduced by the crash. Little wonder that three months later, after everyone had been consulted on the mainland and back in Ulster, those in prison and those not, the Provos announced their long-awaited ceasefire. Under the circumstances, Prime Minister John Major, who had taken over for Howe when Maggie sacked himl, was quite subdued about the situation, doubting that it would hold up, but it did.

Conditions got worse for MCGartland when a board of inquiry reported without pointing the finger at the pilots, only to have two senior RAF officers add just that. The inquest could not come up with any answer either for the crash.

When the sabotaging of the Chinook seemed well and truly buried, MI5's Director General at the time was allowed the unprecedented liberty of publishing her intelligence memoirs, Open Secret, and, of course, she nothing of substance about it, only that she was most upset about the deaths of the RUC officers, especially that of Bob Firzsimmons, the head of its SB. The names of her own staff lost, particularly that of DCI John Deverell, was never mentioned.

Then Annie Machon, with help from David Shayler, added complete fiction about the confrontation in Spies, Lies & Whistleblowers where the RUC was hardly mentioned at all, and its Special Branch and Ian Phoenix never. The struggle with the Provisionals was seen as all a mainland matter, and its slowness in dealing with the challenge timely and properly. The only time Northern Ireland was mentioned in any serious regard was when collague William Perkins - name changed on orders of Mi5, and apparently Jonathan 'Bob' Evans who is its Director General - was obliged to go to the province just before the crash, apparently to make the necessary arrangement. There can be no doubt that Perkins is Evans after she wrote this: "He looked much older than his age, 38, as he was almost totally bald on top and had a Zapata moustache, which also dated him."(27)

The best example of the cover up occurred when Perkins was sent off to Northern Ireland on this note by his head of section: "And what ca we say about Bill? He has had to suffer the double misfortune of being posted to Northern Ireland wihtout his wife and of having broken his right wrist." (28)

The best evidence of McGartland being the man to be picked up is how the Provos have gone after him, once he became known to the public in the Northeast when the NOrthumbria police caught him speeding, and discovered who he really is. Provos almost killed him for it in 1999, shooting him six times. By this time, he had written about 'Carol's exploits against them, Fifty Dead Men Walking, which was recently made into a successful film, though McGartland didn't like it.

He did go out of his way to say that the pilots of the Chinook must be cleared, and when judge Lord Philip did just this last July, he was ecstatic on facebook: "True Heroes Place Themselves at Risk for the Benefit od Others, to save lies. Many of those who died were leading anti-terrorism experts who had made such a valuable contribution to defeating terrorism in Northern Ireland and on the UK mainland." (29)

Only time will tell if those who sabotaged the Chinook are finally brought to justice.

Thursday, 12 February 2015

ENTRAPMENT IN A BRITISH DIRTY WAR






Entrapment


British Occupied Ireland, entrapment is a common practice, used by British Secret Service agencies, to prosecute their Dirty War and induce people, to be involved in activity, that they would otherwise normally not engage in. For example slipping a drug into their drink, along with planting incriminating evidence on them. This practice, is widely used in Occupied Ireland, to politically intern people for many years, in some instances for the rest of their lives and is also used to turn activists into agents for the British. The practice, combined with secret courts, has been estimated to account, for more than half of the political convictions in Ireland currently, combined with British secret courts, without a jury.

It makes a nonsense of any claim, to a peace process and calls into question, the integrity of British Sinn Fein who appeal on all Irish people, to become informers to British Occupation Forces in Ireland. It compounds the belief, that all parts of the British apparatus in Ireland, is still part of a low intensity, ongoing British Dirty War in Ireland, which includes dirty tricks within all the pillars of the Orange State. In a jurisdiction without a Dirty War, the prosecution, would be required to prove beyond a reasonable doubt, the defendant was not entrapped, or the defendant would be required to prove, they were entrapped, as an affirmative defence. 

Sting operations are a regular feature of the British in Ireland. Sometimes entrapment occurs, when the British paramilitary, PSNI/RUC go beyond simply providing an opportunity to a compromised agent or individual to commit an actual attack, often it results in the entrapment, of his associates. A lot of the time, the persistence and frequency of attempts by the PSNI/RUC, by inducement, fraud, deceit, reward, amplifies, the actual existence of implied threats, to give credibility, for major increases in budgets, to justify British taxpayers, massive funding of their Dirty War in Ireland or further the careers, of many sectarian, paramilitary, police, in British Occupied Ireland.

Factors which should be Considered in Cases of Entrapment

a)   

Whether the PSNI/RUC officers concerned are secret members of the Orange Order.

b)
Whether the Paramilitary Police acted in bad faith.

c)
Whether the PSNI/RUC had reason to suspect the accused of legal political activities.

d)
Whether the Secret services, were politcally under pressure, to get a result, in areas where attacks were particularly prevalent, where the entrapment took place

e)
Whether reactionary investigatory techniques are used, because of difficulty in detection of Irish political activity, supported by the native population.

f)
The accused circumstances and vulnerability because of endemic state bigotry and prejudice.

g)
The nature of the political offence


Entrapment often occurs, when the various British secret services, cause an attack to be committed, which otherwise would not occur, had it not been for secret service involvement. The lawyers in Occupied Ireland, who were particularly talented, in challenging the admissibility of evidence through entrapment, have already been executed, by British death squads in Ireland.The case below, which is covered in today's Belfast Telegraph, is a current example.



IRA 'plotted terrorist attacks on Northern Ireland's transport infrastructure', court hears
The men allegedly discussed sniper strikes on high-profile targets





A Translink train

BY ALAN ERWIN – 12 FEBRUARY 2015
Secret recordings of alleged Continuity IRA terror plot meetings revealed plans to attack Northern Ireland's transport infrastructure, the High Court heard today.

ALSO IN THIS SECTION

Discussions also explored future sniper strikes on high-profile targets, prosecutors said.

Further details of the covert MI5 operation at a house in Newry, Co Down were disclosed as bail was refused to one of the men accused of attending some of the gatherings.

Terence Marks, 54, denies charges of belonging to a proscribed organisation, namely the IRA, and conspiring to cause an explosion likely to endanger life.

The father-of-six's lawyer claimed the recordings were of singing and drink-fuelled bravado.

He also expressed concerns about possible entrapment in the surveillance.

The investigation centres on meetings held by alleged key members of the Continuity IRA's leadership.

The house at Ardcarn Park was raided last November after being bugged for three months.

Twelve men were arrested at that stage, with charges brought against seven of them and the other five released pending reports.

Marks, of Parkhead Crescent in the city, was among a further three men detained the following month.

A total of nine meetings were recorded, with each of the suspects said to have been present on at least one occasion.

According to the prosecution topics discussed included membership of an outlawed organisation, weapons procurement and training, terrorist funding and plans to commit acts of terrorism.

Based on voice analysis Marks is alleged to have been present at three gatherings in September and October.

Among the issues explored at those meetings were: previous operations, using household items for bomb-making, constructing improvised explosive devices and and transporting a small weapon in a loaf of bread.

Opposing bail, prosecution counsel said police are still seeking other suspects.

He contended: "There are clearly very significant steps being taken by this group to prepare for future significant terrorist acts, (including) preparation for sniper attacks on high-profile targets and an attack on the transport infrastructure."


According to the barrister it would involve "a reckless disregard for life if such an attack were to take place".

John Connolly, defending, said Marks strenuously denies any past or present involvement with dissident republican groupings.

Mr Justice Burgess was told the accused is a chronic alcoholic who drinks up to ten cans of beer and as much as a litre of vodka a day.

Mr Connolly stressed that Marks is only alleged to have been present for eight of the 70 hours of surveillance at the house.

He said: "It's clear from the recordings that there's a lot of bravado from individuals, talking about events of the past and gesturing about what to do about the future.

"Within the recordings there's a lot of banter, there's arguments, there's fun, there's light conversation and there's heated debate.

"There's also singing and recounting of some songs."

It was claimed that one of those present can be heard going into "numerous monologues" and inviting others to recall stories.

"There's a concern that there has been a state involvement in almost what is known as entrapment," Mr Connolly said.

He added that the Public Prosecution Service had responded to a request about whether any of those arrested were state agents by saying it was not obliged to answer the question.

Refusing bail, Mr Justice Burgess said he had "grave doubts" any release conditions would be complied with.

The judge also stressed: "These are serious matters impacting on the whole community and in particular various sections, including danger to their lives and serious injury."

Monday, 26 January 2015

BLOODY SUNDAY DIRTY BRITISH WAR IRELAND





Britain's dirty war in Ireland, is still conducted by it's military and secret police, despite a pseudo peace process, against revolutionary insurgents and the civilian population. They use kidnapping, torture and murder. Their victims include, lawyers, journalists, socialists, political activists, politicians, civilians and their own paramilitary police. Responsibility for these atrocities lies with the British cabinet and 'untouchable' senior military, both past and present. General Sir Mike Jackson, former Chief of Staff and former commander of the Parachute Regiment, has already admitted, the existence of MRF, with Brigadier Gordon Kerr in charge of the Force Research Unit (FRU), it's military advisers Colonel David Stirling and dirty tricks specialist, General Frank Kitson

The Ministry of Defence, the Prime Minister of Occupied Ireland and Britain's Defence secretary signed off on MRF's murders of innocent unarmed civilians, on the understanding, that nothing would be officially revealed. The MRF was later officially revealed in Parliament in March 1994 while documents of British crimes against humanity, were destroyed. The MRF engaged in terror tactics against the nationalist community, with random drive-by shootings of innocent unarmed civilians, in order to inflame sectarianism in Ireland. The unit along with British state collusion, used old tactics, taught by British Advisors to the Egyptian Army and others, to protect British economic interests in the MIddle-East.

Britain 
orchestrated a campaign of state terrorism in Ireland, in events such as Bloody Sunday, the Ballymurphy Massacre, loyalist collusion gangs, assassination of lawyers and journalists, with state terrorism, torture, with its unofficial army of mercenaries, in widespread operations of British state collusion with terrorism. There was endemic, systematic, collusion between British Army regiments and loyalist paramilitaries, with a fifth of the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment membership, attached to loyalist paramilitaries, with the full knowledge of the British Army, resulting in more than 120 random, savage, sectarian murders, in just one locality, known as the murder triangle alone, following Bloody Sunday. These attacks, also extended to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, by the Royal Ulster Constabulary(police) and the British Army's, Ulster Defence Regiment.

Britain, still institutionalises misery and injustice, with token reforms as a sop to British Sinn Fein, in a pseudo peace process, used as window dressing, to hide the ugly reality of everyday life of fear, in British Occupied Ireland. The British destroyed many lives and families, while dividing Irish communities, in its test laboratory, for counter-insurgency, repression and surveillance, which are applied today by its ‘counter-terrorism’ advisors, worldwide. British colleges, now train old colonies, in their dark art, of destroying democratic opposition, as they share, their old Imperial experience, with covert US special forces, supporting proxy warlords and astroturf political parties, such as British Sinn Fein and other astroturf, political, entities, worldwide. 
Below is just a brief synopsis by Wiki, of how it started, around the time of Bloody Sunday. Again, it is but the tip of the iceberg. 

BRITAIN SHOULD STAND TRIAL FOR BLOODY SUNDAY, BEFORE THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT AND ALSO FOR THEIR CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY WORLDWIDE.


Military Reaction Force


The Military Reaction Force was a covert British Army unit, or group of units, set up io Occupied Ireland in 1971. Its MRF acronym has given rise to a variety of explanations over the years. It was created by Frank Kitson in 1971 under the control of his 39 Infantry Brigade. The Four Square Laundry and Glen Road shooting incidents probably contributed to the decision to reorganise it in 1972 as the Special Reconnaissance Unit under the direct control of HQ Northern Ireland.


Creation

Mark Urban quotes Lord Carver as stating: "For some time various surveillance operations by soldiers in plain clothes had been in train, initiated by Frank Kitson when he commanded the the [39] Brigade in Belfast, some of them exploiting ex-members or supporters of the IRA."On his appointment in 1970 to command 39 Brigade in Belfast, Kitson had received the approval of his superiors to set up the MRF. He recruited 'turned' IRA members , nicknamed the 'Freds', who were sent to live in a British Army married quarters at Palace Barracks in Holywood, east Belfast. The undercover unit started out as a handful of soldiers under the command of a captain who operated only in Brigadier Kitson's area of responsibility and were known by the nick name of the 'Bomb Squad'. The name Mobile Reconnaissance Force was only given several weeks after the soldiers had begun to operate.
John Black allegations

A convicted loyalist using the pseudonym 'John Black' has claimed that the MRF was involved in the bombing of McGurk's bar on 4 December 1971, which killed 15 people
Seamus Wright

In the summer of 1972, the IRA discovered that one of its members, Seamus Wright, was working for the MRF:Under interrogation by Second Battalion staff, Wright admitted that all the time he had actually been in the company of a special military unit based at Palace barracks in Holyrood, Co. Down, where IRA suspects were taken for investigation before being interned. The unit was known by the initials MRF, which the IRA believed stood for Military Reconnaissance Force, a group subsequently alleged to have been involved in two drive-by shootings in the summer of 1972 that were blamed at the time on loyalist gangs. Wright admitted he had agreed to work for the MRF.

Wright was allowed to return to Holyrood to glean more information:The IRA learned that the MRF operation was under the auspices of 39 Infantry Brigade and had been devised by Frank Kitson, who had left the province in April after having shaped the structure of the new force. The MRF was composed of several elements. The first was a group of regular soldiers who were divided into four-man units comprising a junior officer, a sergeant and two privates. They operated in plain clothes and drove civilian cars. The section to which Wright was attached was known as the 'Freds' and was composed of members of Republican and Loyalist paramilitary organisations who had been 'turned' by Special Branch and Army intelligence.

Wright went on to implicate another IRA member Kevin McKee who gave the IRA further details about MRF operations.
Four Square Laundry

McKee told the IRA that the MRF was operating the Four Square mobile laundry service in West Belfast to gather intelligence through surveillance and forensic testing on clothes.

On 2 October 1972, the IRA attacked the Four Square laundry van on the Twinbrook estate, killing the driver, 21-year-old Sapper Ted Stuart. His colleague Lance Corporal Sarah Jane Warke of the Royal Military Policeescaped.

At the same time, other IRA units attacked two offices linked to the MRF: one above a massage parlour at 397 Antrim Road, and the other at College Square East, but succeeded only in wounding a bystander.According to Martin Dillon, the IRA did not realise that the massage parlour was itself an MRF intelligence-gathering operation.

The IRA subsequently stated:"The Republican movement has been aware for a number of months of a Special British Army Intelligence Unit, code-named MRF. This unit, comprising picked men, has been operating under the guise of civilians. The unit was run by a Captain McGregor who used flats and offices in Belfast and ran a laundry service."

Wright and McKee were subsequently killed and secretly buried by the IRA.
Glen Road shooting

On the morning of 22 June 1972 shots were fired from a civilian car on the Glen Road, wounding two men on the street, and a third, Thomas Gerard Shaw, in the bedroom of a nearby house.

A year later, on 23 June 1973, the Belfast Telegraph reported the trial of 26-year-old Sergeant Clive Graham Williams, with Brian Hutton prosecuting.On the second day of the trial Sergeant Clive Graham Williams walked into the the witness box and identified himself as the commander of a unit of theMilitary Reaction Forceattached to 39 Infantry Brigade. (Note his use of the word 'Reaction' rather than 'Reconnaissance' as in the official title given to the unit by the media, the Provos, the two double agents and Army statements released after the Four-Square attacks. Was the designation 'Military Reaction Force' an error on the part of Williams, or was it the Army's term for this elite grouping, or was it a term which defined a role for one of the sections within the Military Reconnaissance Force?

Williams was found not guilty by an 11 to 1 majority verdict. Charges had previously been dropped against Captain James McGregor who had been in the car with him, and who had previously been named to the IRA as a leading MRF member by Wright and McKee.
Other plain clothes shooting incidents

Martin Dillon cites a number of other incidents in Belfast in 1972 that may have been linked to the MRF:
- The killing of Patrick McVeigh in Andersonstown by plain-clothes soldiers on 13 May 1972.
- The shooting of Jerry and John Conway by plain-clothes soldiers on the Springhill estate several weeks earlier.
- A shooting incident involving a plain-clothes army patrol on the Shankill in May 1972.
- The killing of nineteen-year-oldDaniel Rooney and wounding of 18-year-old Brendan Brennan by a plain-clothes army patrol in the St James district on 27 September 1972. Lieutenant-Colonel Robin Evelegh of the Royal Green Jackets subsequently produced a car with bullet holes that he claimed Rooney and Brennan had fired on. A statement asserting Rooney's innocence was read at local Catholic churches on 1 October.
RUC relations

Martin Dillon has suggested that RUCdetective work played a significant role in exposing the MRF's activities.A Special Branch officer told me that their 'fingerprints were not on that period.' They all agreed that the MRF's operations were amateurish and not tightly controlled.


Wilson Briefing

The history of the MRF was outlined in a briefing submitted to Prime Minister Harold Wilson ahead of a meeting with Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave on 5 April 1974.“Plain-clothes teams, initially joint RUC/army patrols, have operated in Occupied Ireland since the IRA bombing campaign in Easter 1971.“Later in 1971 the teams were reformed and expanded as Military Reaction Forces (MRFs) without RUC participation.“In 1972 the operations of the MRF were brought under more centralised control and a higher standard of training achieved by establishing a Special Reconnaissance Unit(SRU) of 130 with all ranks under direct command of HQNI.

Robin Ramsay commented:For those two lines read, 'After the MRF were exposed as driving around shooting at alleged members of the IRA, we had to get some kind of grip on the situation and broke up MRF.'This is the first officialexplanation of what the initials MRF stood for that I have seen.
SAS assessment

Ramsay's conclusion is supported by the account of former SAS soldier Ken Connor, who states that he was part of a three man team sent to assess the MRF , which he refers to as the Military Reconnaissance Force, in the wake of the Four Square Laundry episode.It soon became apparent that its cover was blown and the group of people running it were so out of control that it had to be disbanded at once.Without reference to each other, we all produced the same recommendation: it's been a useful tool, but it's well past it's sell-by date. Get rid of it, acquire the needed skills, then reform it in a different guise.The result was 14 Int - the Fourteenth Intelligence Company.

In this instance, 14 Intelligence Company would seem to be a cover name for the Special Reconnaissance Unit.
People
Captain James McGregor
Sergeant Clive Graham Williams
Lance-Corporal Sarah Jane Warke
Sapper Ted Stuart
Alleged 'Freds'
Seamus Wright
Kevin McKee
Louis Hammond
See Also
File:Countergangs1971-76.pdf - Counter-Gangs: A history of undercover military units in Northern Ireland 1971 - 1976

Thursday, 22 January 2015

WHEN INNOCENCE DIED






Oscar Wilde — 'The truth is rarely pure and never simple.'

From experience, I would agree with the above quote. However in my quest for personal freedom, which is conditional on sharing it with others as best I can, I also try to keep it simple.I am also learning the price of freedom, is first taking personal responsibility, being the flawed human I am, I can only try my best, which often falls far short of the ideal. Unless I share my own experience first, I am probably writing nonsense, with regard to events in British Occupied Ireland. That is why I am forced once again, to state that, I volunteered three times for active service, with the Provisional IRA, to demonstrate that I was prepared to walk my talk. I would be a rather foolish man, to be stating these matters here, if they were not grounded in fact.

When the peaceful demonstrators of the Civil Rights campaign, based on Martin Luther King principles, were shot in massacres, off their own streets in British Occupied Ireland, Britain by any standards, was at war with the Irish people officially, and guilty of war crimes. That was more than 43 years ago and to a lesser or greater extent, that war still continues in Ireland, be it high or low intensity. The proof of this, is the recent kneecapping and elbow-capping, a few days ago in Belfast and the many political prisoners still incarcerated. Because this matter is not reported in a transparent manner, by the British controlled media, few people have any idea, what this was about. All the general population can do in such circumstance, is to live in fear, keep their heads down, keep their mouth shut, say nothing and pray to their respective Catholic and Protestant Gods, that the knock does not come to their door.

People were told for many years by British Sinn Fein, that this was all a consequence of a war situation with Britain, the goal being liberation.This is by any standards of fair-mindedness, unacceptable, forty-three years later, with the prospect of another forty-three more years, this still remains the situation. That is the principal reason, it is called the Bad Friday Agreement, by a significant part of the population. The chief enforcer of that agreement on the ground, has been Gerry Kelly of British Sinn Fein, who has called on Irish people, to become informers, to British occupation forces in Ireland, with regard to any activity, by those who claim to have inherited the traditional Irish Republican resistance, to British rule in Ireland. I am aware from personal experience, that there are people of considerable integrity, among the resistance leadership. However there are also people, as no doubt was the case with the provisionals, many of whom are exploiting the war, on all sides, for self-serving reasons and profit.

Going back to personal experience again, I spent considerable time, as an unpaid volunteer, behind a desk in the first Provisional Sinn Fein centre in Newry, as a voluntary servant, to people, who came with the various problems, that every person has to deal with, living in British Occupied Ireland. From problems like leaking roofs, anti-social behaviour, British repression, people bringing bullets, received in the post, people dragged away to interrogation centres, like Gough and Castlereagh, political prisoner, related issues, interrogation centre issues. In fact I once had to stand alone, facing an insurrection crowd, who wanted Martin McGuinness's blood. I have often regretted my stand since, but that was my responsibility and I acted in good faith. Between this and other activity, I spent up to eighty hours a week, constantly alert and on my toes, with the only relief, being a couple of pints at the end of the night, listening to Irish music.

When Adams and McGuinness started to take control of Provisional Sinn Fein, with elections and money, a new calibre of volunteers started to appear, and as time went by, I started to become disillusioned, with the general direction of the organization. I began to suspect, that many of those now around me, were compromised to the British. Documents appeared in the office, which suggested collaboration with the British. However giving the benefit of the doubt, as we normally would do, to comrades and friends, I thought the British, probably planted them. However when one of our comrades was taken to Castlereagh for interrogation, and in my capacity at the Centre in Newry, I phoned Castlereagh, a few times every day, inquiring about his welfare, eventually on the last day, the voice of the comrade in question, came screaming down the other end the phone in reply from Castlereagh. Now of course, this could be another ploy by the interrogators, so I still gave him the benefit of the doubt, but it did pose some serious questions for me personally.

I was in a catch 22 situation but I travelled up to Belfast and went to Provisional Sinn Fein's headquarters on the Falls Road, with my concerns but approached them in a tentative way, because it was a leadership issue. I was eventually met by a person, whom I had good grounds to believe, was Chief of Staff. After some general discussion about matters on the ground in Newry, my intuition felt, that it was not safe, to voice my leadership concerns about IRA matters. I came to the conclusion, that a considerable part of the IRA leadership, was compromised to the British. My consumption of alcohol increased thereafter and I found myself one evening leading up to Christmas, without a pot to piss in, a wife and a family, whom I had neglected, because of political commitments and some serious doubts, about the leadership. I approached the senior Republican in Newry in question and challenged him about leadership, which resulted in an argument, in which I became quite drunk. I went down the street and held up a business, walked home to my wife and children, with my pockets full of money, to buy toys for my children and drink for myself, for the Christmas.This is not Irish republican activity and causes great harm, in bringing it's cause into disrepute.

Anyway, the RUC came in the early hours of the morning, as they previously had done, many times before, for strictly political activity, while I was asleep in the chair with my pockets full of money. In the early hours of the morning, still suffering from the DT's, I agreed to become an informer, if they arranged my release. I did not divulge any information, that caused anyone, time in prison or their death. I did rectify a proposed operation on my release, before any harm was done. After a couple of weeks I was released on bail and as soon as I saw people from Newry on the street, I realized I could not become an informer and look them in the eye.

I went across to headquarters elsewhere, to explain everything, fully expecting to take a bullet in the head, for my behaviour, elsewhere, but failed to make contact. I was then forced to go and face the person in question, locally in Newry, whom I had argued with, while definitely expecting a bullet, to explain the details and was thoroughly debriefed. At the end of the interview, I asked what was the best course of action to take. I was ADVISED, not ORDERED, to cross the border. I sought further advice from a very ethical priest on the matter and lived in the south of Ireland.

After I moved, with the shame and the guilt I felt, my drinking increased rapidly, to the point of alcoholism, where I was eventually forced to get help, with the 12 fucked steps. I wish to re-iterate here, to be fair to myself, that at no time, have I ever been, what is known as a Tout or an informer for the British. Many decent volunteers have broken in interrogation, we are not all made of the same stuff but at no time, have I engaged in this activity and until the the British Occupation of my country is resolved, could I in a sober state, engage in such activity. Drinking to excess and Irish Republican politics, do not mix in Occupied Ireland.

The truth, forgiveness and reconciliation, have set me free personally. I believe the same patient process, can do the same for my country, but it requires and honest broker, and an international, transparent, platform with clout. Twenty years after the the Bad Friday Agreement, there has not been the promised Truth & Reconciliation, that the process requires. I know from experience, that there never will be one, within the islands, because there are too may vested interests, in high places, that will never allow the truth to see the light of day. Like the Palestinian Authority, I believe that the International Criminal Court in the Hague, is the only place, to adjudicate all war crimes, including genocide, committed in Ireland by Britain, to resolve the issues, in a civilized way. That part of the process, called reconciliation, requires restitution be made, in the same manner, as was made to the Jewish people for their Holocaust.

The Continuity IRA political prisoners, probably the most hardline and oldest of Irish Republican resistance, in a recent communique, with regard to seven men, from the Newry area recently arrested, stated:

“These individuals do not belong to the Continuity Irish Republican Army.Their only goal is an MI5-led incursion, with the sole aim of destroying the Republican movement. Their criminal exploits are well known in our communities so it would be very hypocritical and unethical on a point of principle to allow this masquerade to continue within this jail.We will take every action necessary, to protect our status and our movement from these criminals. We wish to make it clear these men are not republicans."

CIRA are the oldest army, of the anti-bad Friday agreement, following a split within provisional sinn féin in 1986, a year after my departure, which formed Republican Sinn Féin. I do not belong to any political organization, because I believe, that currently, the war is doing more harm than good for the Irish Cause. Incidents such as the kneecapping and elbow capping of suspected criminals, such as the individual punished in Belfast a few days ago, with media manipulation, serve only the interests of the British and their proteges British Sinn Fein in calling for iIrish informers to the British. It serves only the interests of Fear & Censorship of the Cause of Ireland, ajust Cause in a transparent, civilized, International Court. The Cause of Ireland is the Cause of Freedom and the Cause of Freedom is the Cause of Ireland.

I am calling on CIRA leadership and those of integrity within other groups, including those who have been misled in Provisional Sinn Fein, to organize in Republican unity at a Congress, to consider this and other matters, to replace armed struggle, with a co- ordinated, methodical, persistent manner, to mobilize the support of the Irish people, behind this course of action, and ensure that it is led by people, with a proven track record of persistent resistance, to British crimes in Ireland. Ordinary Irish people have suffered enough from the law of the gun, fear and censorship. Genuine Irish Republicans have nothing to fear about the truth of war crimes being revealed at the International Criminal Court. I have tried despite censorship to campaign for this. It obviously requires the energy, commitment and organization demonstrated from the resistance of the last forty-five years in the present troubles.

The a party that organizes this, will have my commitment and support. All Irish political prisoners, who commit themselves to this course of action and its peaceful enforcement, need to be paroled in the interests of the common good of Ireland. The Price of Freedom is Responsibility, the State of British Occupied Ireland is not fit because of fear, for human habitation, in my humble opinion. Fortunately for me, it is easier write all of this, while outside Ireland, because Kitsonian counter gangs work on the basis, that dead men don't talk. I am one of the fortunate ones, who flew over the cuckoo's nest, I would be dead years ago, if I had stayed there. I plead with fair-minded people, to have mercy on the poor people who still live there. We are as Sick as our Secrets, a society of Fear & Censorship ensures secrecy. Who is afraid of the Truth? the British are, because like Israel, they want to disband it. I would ask that 32CSM have a look at the Al Jazeera opinion below, on time wasted at the UN.
brionOcleirigh, Ex-political sinner & recovering alcoholic.
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Let he who is without sin cast the first stone!



Israel urging ICC member states to cease funding the court after launch of preliminary inquiry into possible war crimes.

Dalia Hatuqa | 20 Jan 2015
Absence of peace talks and increasing pressure from the Palestinian public paved the way for joining the ICC


Palestinians are facing a slew of retaliatory measures after signing the Rome Statute, paving the way to join the International Criminal Court (ICC), The Hague-based legal body that prosecutes perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity.


After Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas signed the guiding treaty of the ICC on December 31, 2014, Israel announced a freeze on the tax revenue it collects on the Palestinians' behalf, affecting the salaries of some 160,000 PA civil servants.

Israel also said it would lobby ICC member-states to defund the court after prosecutors launched a preliminary inquiry into possible war crimes in the Palestinian territories. "We will demand that our friends in Canada, Australia and Germany simply to stop funding it," Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman told Israel Radio.

"This body represents no one. It is a political body," he said. "There are a quite a few countries that also think there is no justification for this body's existence." Neither Israel nor the US are ICC members.

RELATED: Palestine's ICC bid could mark turning point

The inquiry by the court's chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, is the first step that could potentially lead to charges being filed against Israelis. "The office will conduct its analysis in full independence and impartiality," she said in an announcement on the ICC's website.

Palestine's court membership comes into effect on April 1, 2015, but the ICC's jurisdiction is recognised from June 13, 2014, a period that covers Israel's summer military offensive on Gaza - Operation Protective Edge - which resulted in the death of more than 2,000 Palestinians and 70 Israelis.



Diplomacy cannot be a tool used in isolation. It must be part of a strategy that takes other tools into consideration, like boycotting Israel economically and non-violent resistance.

- Hani al-Masri, political analyst


Legal experts said the choice of jurisdiction served two purposes: Going back too far in time would call into question accountability for suicide bombings, and Palestine's non-member status at the UN, which was upgraded from "observer entity" to an "observer state" in 2012. In 2009, Palestinians asked the court to investigate Israeli crimes during that year's three-week war in Gaza, but were rejected because of their status at the UN.

"Going to the ICC should have taken place a long time ago," said Shawan Jabarin, who heads al-Haq, the West Bank affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists in Geneva. "But now that it has, we can say that it's a good thing, especially because it can look into settlements as a war crime, and the crimes perpetrated in Gaza."

The absence of peace talks and increasing pressure from the Palestinian public and parties paved the way for joining the ICC after months of threats to do so, politicians said. Khalida Jarrar, who heads the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) - a left-wing faction constantly in conflict with the president - said her party and several others have been pushing Abbas to take this step after years of him threatening to do so.

"We have been exerting pressure on Abbas for a long time to go to the ICC," Jarrar said. "So we welcome this move, but unfortunately until now, we have had no clear strategy, just knee-jerk reactions. We must stop betting on negotiations, on the Americans, and we should take our case to the UN alone."

Abbas has come under renewed pressure as of late, and likely feels cornered by a slew of opposing forces. Washington has called the ICC move "counterproductive" towards a peace settlement, and warned that US aid to the PA could be impacted.

On Sunday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Israel would fight the ICC prosecutor's decision to launch an initial inquiry into war crimes, which he dubbed "the height of hypocrisy and the opposite of justice". According to a Haaretz report, Netanyahu also decided to launch a "media campaign" to discredit the ICC and Chief Prosecutor Bensouda.

OPINION: Palestine's wasted time at the UN

Aides to the Palestinian president said the ICC move comes at a time when the Israeli occupation has become entrenched in every facet of Palestinian life.

Netanyahu has never negotiated in good faith and Israel has not missed an opportunity to undermine Abbas' governance and break previous agreements, revealing the lopsided dynamic between the two parties, they contend.

"Pressure was constantly being applied on the president not to head to the UN and not to apply for membership in international bodies, but he did those anyway," said Ahmad Assaf, a spokesman for Fatah, the West Bank's ruling party which Abbas heads. "He has succeeded in placing the Palestinian cause in the international arena limelight."

But critics believe that internationalising the Palestinian cause and relying on diplomacy may not be enough. There are already signs that the Palestinians may withdraw their ICC appeal if Israel were to freeze settlement construction,according to a Times of Israel report.

"The Palestinian leadership's signature move has become issuing a series of empty threats," said Hani al-Masri, a Ramallah-based political analyst. "There won't be an end to security coordination for example. Diplomacy cannot be a tool used in isolation. It must be part of a strategy that takes other tools into consideration, like boycotting Israel economically and non-violent resistance."

Source: Al Jazeera

Thursday, 15 January 2015

THE IRA IS NOT ON FACEBOOK STUPID



Lonesome Yanks
Postcards from the End of America 

By Linh Dinh

January 14, 2015 "
ICH" -  I was sitting in the Friendly Lounge, one block from my Philly apartment. Next to me was a 59-year-old man, Robert. Seeing my wedding band, he confided, “You’re lucky to have somebody to go home to. I always had a lover, a boyfriend, but I haven’t had anybody in ten years. And it’s not the,” and he suddenly dipped his head down near my crotch, “but the support, you know. I can’t just go home and say to somebody, ‘Bitch, I love you!’”

I was getting buzzed in Dirty Frank’s, downtown Philly’s second cheapest bar, when an old friend proposed, “You should come over some time. I’ll make you dinner.” She knew I was married. On another occasion, this lovely woman moaned, “I just want somebody to love.” On a third, she called me after 2AM, “Motherfucker, where are you?!”

Sitting home, I received an email from a Vietnamese poet who lives in a sunshiny state. Though I’ve known this unhappily married 40-year-old for more than a decade, we’ve never met face-to-face. In Vietnamese, she wrote, “Crazy teacher, please help me to translate: I’m aroused. I’m horny. I’m a whore. I’m an aroused whore. I’m an extremely horny whore. Thank you very much.”

I cite these handy examples not to embarrass anybody or to, God forbid, present my splotchy carcass as somehow in demand, but simply to point out the loneliness that afflicts this society is so appallingly pervasive and, I suspect, unprecedented. Our infants are immediately removed from their moms, our toddlers are parked in front of blathering televisions when not institutionalized, our dating millennials stare at separate iPads, our married couples hide their sexting and porn habits from each other, our old people blunder down a dark hallway or endless sidewalk alone. Else, they lie unvisited, waiting for death, and when kaput, may not be discovered for a week, as happened to my friend Lee Goldston. Yo, Lee!

In 1970, only 17% American households had but a single person, but it’s up to 27.5% now. Moreover, many of those who live with others may be sharing a dwelling with annoying strangers, or curled up in their parents’ basement. Take Robert’s situation. In a house with four other people, he has a room “the size of a napkin.” Each time he uses the bathroom, he’s “afraid to step on the floor. The ceiling tiles are falling down. The wall tiles are falling out. It’s gross in there!” And Robert never uses the kitchen because that’s filthy too. No one ever washes the dishes. In short, it’s not a home, but then most Americans don’t really have one anyway.

For many, it’s merely a spot to lie down after the long commute. For others, it’s a nest that can be blown away after the next missed rent or mortgage check. Made of sheetrocks, marathon loan payments and always rising taxes, an American home is about as permanent as a bad sitcom. To have no true home is to be constantly anxious, if not panic stricken, and since many of us are also isolated, physically and psychologically, what you have, then, is a society of frustrated, angry, ashamed and nervous wrecks. No wonder we take more drugs than anybody else!

One man who still has his family home is my acquaintance, Bill. For a decade, Bill made beaucoup bucks as a computer technician but, at age 44, had to switch career to become a transit policeman. (He even applied to Homeland Security, but wasn’t hired.) Assigned to a shopping mall, Bill had to occasionally arrest shoplifters or break up fights among unruly teens, but mostly he just strolled around to flirt with selected cashiers. Fresh from Lindenwold, New Jersey, 18-year-old Chelsea with her bleached blonde hair and rose and vine tattoo climbing up one pale arm was particularly enticing. For a few seconds, Bill fantasized about rescuing her from Starbucks. A playa, in short, he doesn’t mind living alone in his eight-bedroom, inherited house, though his winter heating bills are a real bitch. Though a teenager at heart, Bill has also just turned 50, so most nights find him eating turkey, his favorite, while watching Netflix next a huge dalmatian, Myer. Unlike humans, dogs don’t experience drawn out illnesses that may last decades. Bill likes it that way.

Thanks to a large inheritance, Jim also has his own house and, unlike Bill, doesn’t even have to work. A typical day finds him listening to Pharoah Sanders, Sun Ra and Abbey Lincoln while browsing Rolling Stone and CounterPunch. After a leisurely porn pause, he might check in on National Public Radio. At 53-years-old, Jim has never had to take care of anyone save a series of tabbies, and his biggest exertion in life, his greatest achievement ever, was his escape from a decade-long crack habit. Further, Jim considers himself a “revolutionary,” though the only people he’s ever fought were his neighbors. With a shovel, Jim shattered a bar window, then hit a homeless man with a rebar, but it wasn’t until he threatened someone with a grass trimmer that he ended up in a psychiatric ward for three days. Out, Jim’s back to his half-listening, half-reading and half-masturbating routine, and he’ll maintain this progressive regiment until social justice is tightly entwined in a 69, yin yang fashion, with equitable wealth distribution. Actually, forget the second part, for there’s no way Jim will share one square inch of his two-story house with anything larger than a slim cat. Jim likes it that way.

In downtown Camden, I heard a street preacher holler, “We are a relational people!” and he certainly got that right. Further, I ardently believe that human bodies are really one continuum that has been tragically yet mercifully broken up. If you’re cut, I should feel pain, and vice versa, and when we’re at our best, that’s exactly what happens. Too often, though, people derive an orgasmic pleasure from watching someone being blown up. Excited, they cheer.

Elias Canetti talks about how instinctively humans laugh at seeing a person falling, and he traces this to our days as flesh hunters. Since a fallen body represents meat, we laugh out of joy. Beside this atavistic impulse, however, we also rush to help the fallen because we recognize the body in distress as our own. Our entertainment industry, though, is relentless in pushing the fantasy of the super predator, somebody who’s capable of destroying countless bodies “of the bad guys.” With its mesmerizing war and “action” films, Hollywood has amplified, to an insane degree, all of our worst sadistic tendencies. Sex, too, has become a matter of body count, but this is perfectly in line with our obsession with numbers. Ain’t that right, Bill? How many have you scored?

The American porch shrank, then disappeared. Sidewalks emptied or became overgrown with weeds. Behind closed doors, an unending cacophony of disembodied voices hyperventilate over nothing or sing the same old songs. Making duck faces or pulling their pants down, a little lower, yeah, like that, Americans snap selfies compulsively to make sure nothing of their noisily desperate lives is lost to eternity. We’ve all become famous to ourselves, and that’s good enough, somehow.

Say, what are the political ramifications of having a nation of inattentive, narcissistic jerk offs? Well, me, myself and I think it’s way beyond divide and conquer, for what it is is rule by fragmentation into 320,159,176 pieces, and counting. Yes, we have this, that and that camp but each takes its cues from the right or left hand of our ruling apparatus. To know what to do, say or even dress, we look towards Midtown Manhattan, Hollywood and Northwest DC. Talk about a disastrous recipe! Unwilling or unable to deal with each other in the flesh, we must plug in to even squeak a dissident note, so it’s no surprise our feeble rebellion remains virtual.

While the internet allows many fringe voices to find their miniscule audiences, its dominant aim is to tease, tickle and titillate the mind into numbness. With multiple windows and everything flickering by, nothing matters. Skimming over bullshit and insights alike, we forget a minute later what we’ve just glimpsed. Swarming with words, the internet desensitizes us to language.

After that last paragraph, my phone rang, so I picked it up to hear Casey, someone I hadn’t heard from for over two years. After the briefest of chit chat, middle-aged Casey spilled that her wife had left her, “I was crazy, she was crazy, but she was even crazier than I was!” Later, her upstairs neighbor, a crackhead, punched Casey so hard, “my brain moved to the other side! After I maced the bitch, I was dragged to court, can you believe it?!” Concluding, Casey said I should come over soon to catch up. “I always have beer in the fridge.”

“How are you making money these days?” I asked.

“Oh, I do freelance art works,” Casey answered rather defensively, “and I get food stamps.”

For a while, the smirking mainstream media celebrated social media as a tool for rebellions or even revolutions, but let’s get real here. If that shit’s effective, the people of Iraq, Libya and Ukraine, etc., wouldn’t have had their countries wrecked by this empire. FaceBook, Twitter, Tumblr, Instagram and the rest are no more than means for the masses to report themselves, minutely and in real time, to the authorities.

Faced with an ultra violent enemy with its kill lists, bombs, missiles, bullets, black sites and torture, we bark abstractions or demand nothing as our demand, such is our feebleness and nihilism. Giving up on reality, we claim a speck sized corner of the internet as our free speech zone. Impotent, we wave virtual fists in the direction of Wall Street or 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.

To make more concrete statements, true rebels won’t be so vaguely semaphoric. Whether lone wolves or in roving bands, they’ll have to dodge the best technology ruthlessness can buy, however. No pixelated posers, they won’t telegraph their moves in advance but simply act, and though their successes will likely be merely symbolic, at least they won’t be surfing on fantasies.
Linh Dinh http://linhdinhphotos.blogspot.comThe 



Charlie Hebdo Story Simply Doesn’t Wash


By Paul Craig Roberts
January 14, 2015 "ICH" - The Charlie Hebdo affair has many of the characteristics of a false flag operation. The attack on the cartoonists’ office was a disciplined professional attack of the kind associated with highly trained special forces; yet the suspects who were later corralled and killed seemed bumbling and unprofessional. It is like two different sets of people.
Usually Muslim terrorists are prepared to die in the attack; yet the two professionals who hit Charlie Hebdo were determined to escape and succeeded, an amazing feat. Their identity was allegedly established by the claim that they conveniently left for the authorities their ID in the getaway car. Such a mistake is inconsistent with the professionalism of the attack and reminds me of the undamaged passport found miraculously among the ruins of the two WTC towers that served to establish the identity of the alleged 9/11 hijackers.
It is a plausible inference that the ID left behind in the getaway car was the ID of the two Kouachi brothers, convenient patsies, later killed by police, and from whom we will never hear anything, and not the ID of the professionals who attacked Charlie Hebdo. An important fact that supports this inference is the report that the third suspect in the attack, Hamyd Mourad, the alleged driver of the getaway car, when seeing his name circulating on social media as a suspect realized the danger he was in and quickly turned himself into the police for protection against being murdered by security forces as a terrorist.
Hamyd Mourad says he has an iron-clad alibi. If so, this makes him the despoiler of a false flag attack. Authorities will have to say that despite being wrong about Mourad, they were right about the Kouachi brothers. Alternatively, Mourad could be coerced or tortured into some sort of confession that supports the official story.https://www.intellihub.com/18-year-old-charlie-hebdo-suspect-surrenders-police-claims-alibi/
The American and European media have ignored the fact that Mourad turned himself in for protection from being killed as a terrorist as he has an alibi. I googled Hamid Mourad and all I found (January 12) was the main US and European media reporting that the third suspect had turned himself in. The reason for his surrender was left out of the reports. The news was reported in a way that gave credence to the accusation that the suspect who turned himself in was part of the attack on Charlie Hebdo. Not a single US mainstream media source reported that the alleged suspect turned himself in because he has an ironclad alibi.
Some media merely reported Mourad’s surrender in a headline with no coverage in the report. The list that I googled includes the Washington Post (January 7 by Griff Witte and Anthony Faiola); Die Welt (Germany) “One suspect has turned himself in to police in connection with Wednesday’s massacre at the offices of Parisian satirical magazine, Charlie Hebdo;” ABC News (January 7) “Youngest suspect in Charlie Hebdo Attack turns himself in;” CNN (January 8) “Citing sources, the Agence France Presse news agency reported that an 18-year-old suspect in the attack had surrendered to police.”
Another puzzle in the official story that remains unreported by the presstitute media is the alleged suicide of a high ranking member of the French Judicial Police who had an important role in the Charlie Hebdo investigation. For unknown reasons, Helric Fredou, a police official involved in the most important investigation of a lifetime, decided to kill himself in his police office on January 7 or January 8 (both dates are reported in the foreign media) in the middle of the night while writing his report on his investigation. A google search as of 6pm EST January 13 turns up no mainstream US media report of this event. The alternative media reports it, as do some UK newspapers, but without suspicion or mention whether his report has disappeared. The official story is that Fredou was suffering from “depression” and “burnout,” but no evidence is provided. Depression and burnout are the standard explanations of mysterious deaths that have unsettling implications.
Once again we see the US print and TV media serving as a ministry of propaganda for Washington. In place of investigation, the media repeats the government’s implausible story.
It behoves us all to think. Why would Muslims be more outraged by cartoons in a Paris magazine than by hundreds of thousands of Muslims killed by Washington and its French and NATO vassals in seven countries during the past 14 years?
If Muslims wanted to make a point of the cartoons, why not bring a hate crime charge or lawsuit? Imagine what would happen to a European magazine that dared to satirize Jews in the way Charlie Hebdo satirized Muslims. Indeed, in Europe people are imprisoned for investigating the holocaust without entirely confirming every aspect of it.
If a Muslim lawsuit was deep-sixed by French authorities, the Muslims would have made their point. Killing people merely contributes to the demonization of Muslims, a result that only serves Washington’s wars against Muslim countries.
If Muslims are responsible for the attack on Charlie Hebdo, what Muslim goal did they achieve? None whatsoever. Indeed, the attack attributed to Muslims has ended French and European sympathy and support for Palestine and European opposition to more US wars against Muslims. Just recently France had voted in the UN with Palestine against the US-Israeli position. This assertion of an independent French foreign policy was reinforced by the recent statement by the President of France that the economic sanctions against Russia should be terminated.
Clearly, France was showing too much foreign policy independence. The attack on Charlie Hebdo serves to cow France and place France back under Washington’s thumb.
Some will contend that Muslims are sufficiently stupid to shoot themselves in the head in this way. But how do we reconcile such alleged stupidity with the alleged Muslim 9/11 and Charlie Hebdo professional attacks?
If we believe the official story, the 9/11 attack on the US shows that 19 Muslims, largely Saudis, without any government or intelligence service support, outwitted not only all 16 US intelligence agencies, the National Security Council, Dick Cheney and all the neoconservatives in high positions throughout the US government, and airport security, but also the intelligence services of NATO and Israel’s Mossad. How can such intelligent and capable people, who delivered the most humiliating blow in world history to an alleged Superpower with no difficulty whatsoever despite giving every indication of their intentions, possibly be so stupid as to shoot themselves in the head when they could have thrown France into turmoil with a mere lawsuit?
The Charlie Hebdo story simply doesn’t wash. If you believe it, you are no match for a Muslim.
Some who think that they are experts will say that a false flag attack in France would be impossible without the cooperation of French intelligence. To this I say that it is practically a certainty that the CIA has more control over French intelligence than does the President of France. Operation Gladio proves this. The largest part of the government of Italy was ignorant of the bombings conducted by the CIA and Italian Intelligence against European women and children and blamed on communists in order to diminish the communist vote in elections.
Americans are a pitifully misinformed people. All of history is a history of false flag operations. Yet Americans dismiss such proven operations as “conspiracy theories,” which merely proves that government has successfully brainwashed insouciant Americans and deprived them of the ability to recognize the truth.
Americans are the foremost among the captive nations.
Who will liberate them?
Dr. Paul Craig Roberts was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy and associate editor of the Wall Street Journal. He was columnist for Business Week, Scripps Howard News Service, and Creators Syndicate. He has had many university appointments. His internet columns have attracted a worldwide following. Roberts' latest books are The Failure of Laissez Faire Capitalism and Economic Dissolution of the West and How America Was Lost.