Tuesday, September 30, 2014


According to the Belfast Telegraph, which is regarded as gospel by the God fearing people of British Occupied Ireland, a former British police officer, who investigated abuse and child rape of children in Kincora Boys’ Home by British Secret Police MI5, it has been revealed, that the British police never bothered to question the MI5 officer responsible for the intelligence gathering operation, at the Boys home turned child whorehouse.

The ex-RUC man told the newspaper, the Sunday Life that British detectives, were not allowed access to the MI5 officer, to find out what he knew about the rape and prostituting of Irish children, placed at the Orange Order Belfast child whorehouse. He also revealed, how police had some polite interviews, with a a number of leading politicians, in what Britain calls Northern Ireland, including the DUP boss Ian Paisley. Paisley was interviewed, as he knew Kincora housemaster and Orange Order chief, boy rapist and pimp William McGrath personally. Usually the Orange Order, focus on raping goats in their initition ceremonies more than children, although the population is not sure anymore, as they are carefully kept in the dark.

The investigating officers, asked Paisley if he was gay, a question which provoked a cute smile, from the passionate preacher, founder of the Free Presbyterian Church. His poor wife is still trying to figure out why the Church he founded, banned him. The British cop said, that the Kincora investigation team, was initially given the orange light, to speak to an MI5 officer in Lisburn but was then told, that the officer, who was directly responsible for intelligence gathering about Kincora, disappeared. The policeman later said, “We were given a name, but told that this particular officer, was now based in the USA and was not available. Nobody from MI5 ever appeared to give any detail of what had happened inside Kincora or any detail about the intelligence operation or what they knew,” the former RUC/PSNI paramilitary said.

A probe was launched following the death of a teenager, who committed suicide by jumping off the Liverpool to Belfast ferry in transit to a job on the British mainland. When a newspaper wrote, that he had taken his life, because of the sexual rape and abuse he endured at Kincora, a criminal investigation was forced on the then Chief Constable Sir Jack Hermon. It resulted in the convictions of leading Orangeman William McGrath, who was an MI5 ‘asset’ with wardens Joe Mains and Raymond Semple.

The former detective, who remains anonymous, in fear of Orange Order assassination, said it was clear from all police interviews, that child rapist McGrath would not give any information, “McGrath was cold and never admitted anything. Whether McGrath was an MI5 asset, we were never told, but we never got to speak to the man, who might have been his handler.”

British Ex-army intelligence officer Brian Gemmell, said he was ordered to cease investigating about sex abuse allegations at the boys home, because McGrath worked for MI5 and senior members of British the establishment. He also said that loyalist Red Hand Commando leader John McKeague was also an MI5 agent, after being filmed and blackmailed in a homosexual act. Most politicians in British Occupied Ireland, are believed to be blackmailed by the British in a similar fashion, to force them to support the Union with Britain. Police investigation detectives were forced, because of a public outcry, to interview many unionist political figures and Orangemen, as well as Loyalist politician Joss Cardwell, who subsequently committed suicide. Ian Paisley was asked, very politely, if he had ever visited the home and if he had ever had any personal or intimate contact with McGrath.The final question put to Ian Paisley during his interview was ‘Are you a homosexual?’

“The boys were ready to bolt for the door, expecting an explosion of anger from Dr Paisley but he just erupted into a huge belly laugh.”

Monday, September 29, 2014



Thomas Russell, of County Cork, bosom friend and devoted comrade of Tone and Emmet, organised County Down for the United Irishmen in 1795. One night, in 1996, he entered an inn or tavern in County Down, either Killyleagh or Loughinisland, where a number of local men were gathered. They were United Irishmen, but Russell didn't know it, and they didn't know him or why he was there. One of them, long years after, tells of that night, and tells where and under what circumstances he saw Russell again. The Warwick mentioned in the poem was a young Republican Presbyterian Minister who was hanged at Newtownards. Thomas Russell was hanged on 21st October, 1803.

Florence Wilson's ballad imaginatively recalls the outline features of Thomas Russell's activity in 1795 and 1803.

The opening verses depict Russell's work in Co Down during winter of 1795 when reconstruction of the United Irish movement was under way. F. J. Bigger, in his Four Shots From County Down, assumes that Andy Lemon's tavern was the Buck's Head at Loughinisland. It should be noted that in 1803 the proprietor was James Fitzpatrick, who gave evidence at Russell's trial of Russell's attempts to raise Down in Emmett's Rebellion.

Later verses depict 'the time of the Hurry' when in 1798 people "quet from mindin' the farms" to fight under McCracken and Munro. 'Young Warwick' is the Reverend Archibald Warwick of Kircubbin who was executed along with the Reverend James Porter of Greyabbey. Both were Presbyterian clergymen.

As the ballad moves to a close it re-echoes the supposition that French help was under way in 1803 -'Boney had promised help to a man in Dublin town'. A hint of the debacle in July-August 1803 is given in the lines:

"but no French ships sailed into Cloughey Bay

and we heard the black news on a harvest day

that the cause was lost again."

The dramatic final verses connect Russell's last words to the impression he made on his listeners during his visit to their townland on that 'night of snow' in winter 1795.

The Man From God Knows Where

Into our townlan' on a night of snow

rode a man from God knows where;

None of us bade him stay or go,

nor deemed him friend, nor damned him foe,

but we stabled his big roan mare;

for in our townlan' we're decent folk,

and if he didn't speak, why none of us spoke,

and we sat till the fire burned low.

We're a civil sort in our wee place

so we made the circle wide

round Andy Lemon's cheerful blaze,

and wished the man his length of days

and a good end to his ride.

He smiled in under his slouchy hat,

says he: 'There's a bit of a joke in that,

for we ride different ways.'

The whiles we smoked we watched him stare

from his seat fornenst the glow.

I nudged Joe Moore: 'You wouldn't dare

to ask him who he's for meeting there,

and how far he has got to go?'

And Joe wouldn't dare, nor Wully Scott,

And he took no drink - neither cold nor hot,

this man from God knows where.

It was closing time, and late forbye,

when us ones braved the air.

I never saw worse (may I live or die)

than the sleet that night, an' I says, says I:

'You'll find he's for stopping there.'

But at screek o'day, through the gable pane

I watched him spur in the peltin' rain,

an' I juked from his rovin' eye.

Two winters more, then the Trouble year,

when the best that a man could feel

was the pike that he kept in hidin's near,

till the blood o' hate an' the blood o' fear

would be redder nor rust on the steel.

Us ones quet from mindin' the farms

Let them take what we gave wi' the weight o' our arms

from Saintfield to Kilkeel.

In the time o' the Hurry, we had no lead

we all of us fought with the rest

an' if e'er a one shook like a tremblin' reed,

none of us gave neither hint nor heed,

nor ever even'd we'd guessed.

We men of the North had a word to say,

an'we said it then, in our own dour way,

an' we spoke as we thought was best.

All Ulster over, the weemin cried

for the stan'in' crops on the lan'.

Many's the sweetheart and many's the bride

would liefer ha' gone to where he died,

and ha' mourned her lone by her man.

But us ones weathered the thick of it

and we used to dander along and sit

in Andy's, side by side.

What with discourse goin' to and fro,

the night would be wearin' thin,

yet never so late when we rose to go

but someone would say: 'do ye min' thon' snow,

an 'the man who came wanderin'in?'

and we be to fall to the talk again,

if by any chance he was one o' them

The man who went like the win'.

Well 'twas gettin' on past the heat o' the year

when I rode to Newtown fair;

I sold as I could (the dealers were near

only three pounds eight for the Innish steer,

an' nothin' at all for the mare!)

I met M'Kee in the throng o' the street,

says he: 'The grass has grown under our feet

since they hanged young Warwick here.',

And he told me that Boney had promised help

to a man in Dublin town.

Says he: 'If you've laid the pike on the shelf,

you'd better go home hot-fut by yourself,

an' once more take it down.'

So by Comber road I trotted the grey

and never cut corn until Killyleagh

stood plain on the risin' groun'.

For a wheen o' days we sat waitin' the word

to rise and go at it like men,

but no French ships sailed into Cloughey Bay

and we heard the black news on a harvest day

that the cause was lost again;

and Joey and me, and Wully Boy Scott,

we agreed to ourselves we'd as lief as not

ha' been found in the thick o' the slain.

By Downpatrick goal I was bound to fare

on a day I'll remember, feth;

for when I came to the prison square

the people were waitin' in hundreds there

an' you wouldn't hear stir nor breath!

For the sodgers were standing, grim an' tall,

round a scaffold built there foment the wall,

an' a man stepped out for death!

I was brave an' near to the edge of the throng,

yet I knowed the face again,

an' I knowed the set, an' I knowed the walk

an' the sound of his strange up-country talk,

for he spoke out right an' plain.

Then he bowed his head to the swinging rope,

whiles I said 'Please God' to his dying hope

and 'Amen' to his dying prayer

that the wrong would cease and the right prevail,

for the man that they hanged at Downpatrick gaol

was the Man from God knows where!

Language of the Irish Heart

Thomas Russell was one of the few leaders of the United Irishmen who tried to learn Irish.

Born in Co. Cork in 1767 and brought up in Dublin, Russell joined the army aged 15 and served in India. He first came to Belfast as a soldier, returning later as a penniless activist.

Handsome and charming, Russell was popular with Belfast radicals, and became close to the McCracken family. Dr James MacDonnell put him up in his house, and also recommended him for the post of librarian to the Belfast Society for Promoting knowledge, which later became the Linen Hall Library.

Established in 1788, the Society collected a wide range of books, including manuscripts in Irish.
Russell became librarian in February 1794, and soon found premises for the library in Ann Street.
Here he took Irish lessons from Patrick Lynch (Pádraig Ó Loinsigh), a well-known scholar and teacher. Lynch had grown up speaking Irish in Loughinisland, Co.Down, where his family ran a school.

Lynch taught Irish at the Belfast Academy, a school founded by the town’s business community, and also taught privately. In April 1795 the Northern Star, paper of the United Irishmen, publicised his services thus: “This language recommends itself to us, by the advantages it affords to the Students of Irish and Eastern Antiquities, especially to those who wish to acquire the knowledge of Druidical Theology and Worship, as sketched by Caesar and Tacitus.

It is particularly interesting, to all who wish for the improvement and Union of this neglected and divided Kingdom. By our understanding and speaking it, we could more easily and effectually communicate out sentiments and instructions to all our Countrymen; and thus mutually improve and conciliate each others affection.

“The Merchant and Artist would reap great benefit from the knowledge of it. They would then be qualified for carrying on Trade and Manufacturers, in every part of their native country.

“Such knowledge, we understand, could be easily acquired in three of four Months by the assistance of Mr. Lynch.”

In September 1795 Russell and Lynch produced the first and only issue of a bi-lingual magazine titled Bolg an tSolair, meaning “miscellany” (literally “provision bag”). This was a chunky pocket-sized book printed by the Northern Star.

Russell may have written the preface, while Lynch must have provided the teaching material. The preface says that foreigners would think it unnecessary to recommend their own language to Irishmen, but “seeing that the Gaelic has been not only banished from the court, the college and the bar, but that many tongues and pens have been employed to cry it down, and to persuade the ignorant that it was harsh and barbarous jargon, and that their ancestors, from whom they derived it, were an ignorant, uncultivated people - it becomes then necessary, to say something in reply.”

The virtues of Irish are then extolled, including “the harmony of its cadence”, its fitness for expressing “the feelings of the heart”, its rich vocabulary and its antiquity.

Despite all the difficulties imposed on it, “even to this day, the Irish is spoken by a great majority of the inhabitants of the kingdom.”

But literacy was declining, with serious implications: “At present, there are but few who can read, and fewer that can write the Irish characters; and it appears,that in a short time, there will be none found who will understand an Irish manuscript, so as to be able to transcribe or translate it.

“It is chiefly with a view to prevent in some way measure the total neglect, and to diffuse the beauties of this ancient and once-admired language, that the following compilation is offered to the public.”

The Irish vocabulary ranged from nature to government, reflecting the turbulent times with words such as power (cumhacht), persecution (guerleanmhuin), gallows (croich), sons of Irishmen (clann na ngaoidhiol), dissention (eas-aontas), misery (amghar), native county (duthchas), equality (codromacht), liberty (saoirseacht), conspiracy (comh-run), and rebellion (athchogadh).

Useful phrases range from “Do you speak Irish?” (An labhrann tu gaoileag?) to “she is drunk” (ta si air misge) - her Lynch was following Muiris Ó Gormáins phrasebook.

Two dialogues feature a farmer and a merchant haggling over the price of sheep. A priest arrives and mediates. He asks the farmer about the merchant:

Priest: Car ab asdon duine uasal?
(where is the gentleman from?)

Farmer: Breathnaigim gur ab as Bealfairsde dho.
(I judge he is from Belfast.)

Priest: As Bealfairsdel nach raibh se labhairt gaollig riot a nois fein.
(From Belfast! was not he speaking Irish to you just now.)

Farmer: Labhran se gaoidhlig go hiomchuibhuidh
(he speaks Irish tolerably well.)

Priest: Is comhartha sin gur gaedhiol e.
(That is a sign he is an Irishman.)

Courtesy of the Irish Post

Sunday, September 28, 2014


A film asks 'where is Bernadette Devlin?'Notes on a Political Journey, which has been shortlisted for the Grierson award, revisits the life of an extraordinary and uncompromising woman

Bernadette Devlin in 1969: a new documentary, Notes on a Politcal Journey, looks at her remarkable life.

She survived an assassination attempt, but Bernadette Devlin is best remembered as the 21-year-old Irish republican from Ulster who, in 1972, strode across the floor of the House of Commons to punch Reginald ­Maudling, home secretary of the Conservative ­government. His grave mistake had been to suggest that the ­British army had fired only in ­self-­defence on Bloody Sunday when they shot dead 13 civil rights ­protesters.

Now 64, a new ­documentary, Bernadette: Notes on a ­Political Journey ­revisits the life of a woman who still holds the record as Britain's youngest elected female MP. The documentary, which took almost 10 years to make, is about political passion, ­courage and commitment from two women who still spark with both. Devlin today works in a cross ­community organisation that advocates for­ ­immigrants, the disabled, and other minority or marginalised groups. Filmmaker and c­ampaigner Lelia Doolan, 77, funded the project ­herself for the first seven years while ­fellow ­film-makers also gave some services for free. Now the winner of the best ­documentary at the Galway film festival, it has been shortlisted for the ­prestigious ­Grierson award in London.

Doolan says that she made the film because she saw Devlin's role as a human rights campaigner and as a radical ­feminist being wiped from Irish history: "She had been at the heart of the civil rights movement and republican socialism from the beginning – but when it came to the peace process and I saw Bono sending Hume and Trimble, I thought, where is ­Bernadette? So we had a concert for her in Galway in 1998 and I asked her if she would be ­agreeable to a documentary, not about her private life but about her ideas, and she agreed."

"Rebellious, awkward and ­contrary" is how Devlin was once described. Those who know ­Doolan talk of an extraordinary, but also uncompromising woman. The two achievements of the ­documentary, says Doolan, are: "We got it made and that it might give people courage."

Saturday, September 27, 2014

BRITISH DIRTY WARS Arrest Frank Kitson

Sun Tzu, author of the Art of War and ancient Chinese military strategist, wrote hundreds of years B.C.

 “To know your Enemy, you must become your Enemy”

Despite a failing Peace Process, Britain's dirty war still continues in Ireland today. Lawyers of families for Irish civilians murdered by the British and their pseudo gangs, should demand the PSNI, question British Army Brigadier, Frank Kitson, as they have already done, with other elderly Irish civilian suspects, selectively. Frank Kitson was as much a director of terrorism, as any paramilitary leader, indeed probably the dirtiest while he is also the author of the script, for the latest US/UK invasion of Syria and the creation of ISIS. In the course of the development of a British undercover clandestine unit, (the forerunner of current ones) which calculatedly killed numerous ordinary civilians, including calculatedly many of their own, one former member of the Military Reaction Force admitted to journalist John Ware;
“We were not there to act like an army unit. We were there to act like a terror group.”
- Military Reaction Force

If the RUC - PSNI Police Service of Northern Ireland, is the truly impartial force they portray themselves to be, then Frank Kitson should be arrested and interrogated immediately before he kicks the bucket, about these taped allegations and their other confirmations.
This journalist, is currently experiencing first hand today, the same strategy employed in the media, by the British with regard to reporting events connected with Ireland. Shooting the messenger, whether by character assassination or simply assassination, along with the dissemination of disinformation, is still part of the ongoing British Dirty War in Ireland today, it will be employed on an even greater scale in Scotland shortly. British assassination agents of sword and pen, are still very much active in Ireland today.

Vilifying the Dead

by Mary Nelis

'Oh what a tangled web we weave when first we practice to deceive.'

The stench arising from the current British enquiry into the murder of the Lurgan solicitor, Rosemary Nelson must surely assail the nostrils of those at the front line in the defence of human rights around the world.

The murders of the defence lawyers Rosemary Nelson and Pat Finucane shocked even those of us who were used to the dirty war being waged on our streets. The murders also shocked people in the United Nations, and the European Parliament and perhaps for the first time, the extent of British violations of human rights in the North of Ireland dirty war became a focus for international human right organisations throughout the world. Who would believe that a country claiming to be the mother of Parliamentary democracy would preside over a system, nay even be part of a system that murders lawyers? That only happens in Latin American dictatorships or so they tell us. Yet under British democracy, death squads, official and unofficial, have operated in the 6 Counties for the past forty years.

Rosemary Nelson was a victim of the death squads. The Mother of four children was blown to bits by a bomb placed beneath her car on a cold day in March, 1999. Long before the death squads finished her off, this small woman, a lawyer and champion of human rights, had been subjected to years of threats from RUC officers and Unionist paramilitary organisations in the Lurgan area of the North.

In September 1998 a year before she was murdered, she testified before a United States Congressional hearing during which she stated that because she represented suspects detained for questioning about politically motivated offences, she had began to experience difficulties with the RUC. She claimed that these difficulties involved RUC officers questioning her professional integrity, making allegations that she was a member of a paramilitary group and at their most serious, making threats against her personal safety including death threats to herself and her children. She also told of receiving threatening phone calls and letters and of being physically assaulted, intimidated and verbally abused by the RUC during the Drumcree standoff in 1997.

Many of the Human Rights organisations including CAJ, the British Irish Watch, and the United Nations special investigator Param Curamaswamy accepted that her complaints were valid. At least sixteen other solicitors had also made complaints against the RUC for alleged threats although it was suspected that this did not represent the true extent of alleged RUC intimidation of solicitors representing Republicans/Nationalist suspects.

So serious did the threats become against Rosemary Nelson that the Independent Commission for Police Complaints took the unprecedented step to refer them to the then Secretary of State, Mo Mowlam.

A lesser person would have given up and moved but Rosemary Nelson was no ordinary lawyer.

She pursued the RUC over the killing of Robert Hamill and successfully helped Colin Duffy to appeal his conviction on a charge of murder. But it was her work with Brendan Mac Coinnaith and the Garvaghy Road Residents Association that earned her the hostility of Unionist Paramilitary organisations, closely associated with the RUC.

When the death threats didn’t work, hundreds of leaflets using the most vile language, impugning her reputation and claiming that she was having affairs with known IRA men, were posted all over Lurgan. It is tribute to her bravery and the loyalty of her husband that she continued to do her work on behalf of the people.

The same allegations surfaced last week when the British established enquiry heard claims by an anonymous RUC Special Branch man hiding behind a curtain, that were similar to the leaflets in Lurgan all those years ago.

Neither those who knew Rosemary or the wider Nationalists community were surprised although most were outraged that in a time of political policing progress; the bad old days of the RUC haven’t gone away.

But then scurrilous and malicious allegations and character assassination is the stock in trade of the British establishment and their puppet police and paramilitaries.

The minds of the people had to be destroyed before the subjugation of their bodies. It was the first story that counted, usually lies, half truths and smears so brilliantly described by the former British intelligence officers, and whistle blowers, Colin Wallace and Fred Holyroyd. Their job in Lisburn RUC station was to peddle as much disinformation as a compliant media would accept. Both became the victims of character assassination by their British Masters when they fell foul of MI5.

We don’t have to stray far from our own City for such examples for examples of the character assassination of the dead. The dead of Bloody Sunday were vilified throughout the world, before their corpses were even cold. The Widgery enquiry put the official British seal on the story.

Indeed an enquiry has been set up by the British for every atrocity they have committed over the past forty years. The objectives were never about truth or proper investigation but to make the issue sub judice, in the hope that by the time the inquiry reported, the incident would be forgotten. The opportunity to impugn the integrity of the victim or witnesses was an additional bonus.

Those with long memories will recall the Bennet enquiry into the beating of suspects in interrogation centres by the RUC. Doctor Irwin a police doctor, who had examined many of the suspects, spoke on television about the number of injuries he had seen. He was accused in a leaked story to the Daily Telegraph, of holding a grudge against the RUC because of their failure to investigate a crime by a member of the security forces against his wife.

The allegations that death squad operations were official British Government policy resulted in another enquiry headed up by the Deputy Chief Constable of Manchester John Stalker. A professional policeman, he got to close to the truth and had to be removed but not before his character and those of his associates had been destroyed and his career as a policeman finished.

Even the reputation and integrity of the United Nations Rappateur Param Cumaraswamy was publicly questioned by the RUC because he raised concerns about the threats to Rosemary Nelson and the lack of a proper investigation into the murder of Pat Finucane.

The problem with all the enquiries set up over the years including the current ones is that the terms of reference are set by the British.

The lawyers representing the family of Rosemary Nelson were not permitted last week, to cross examine the witness who impugned her reputation. Yet special status in all these enquiries is given to MI5 as well as to former RUC officers and representatives of the Ministry of Defence. It is becoming clear that the objectives of the current enquiries advocated by the Canadian Judge Cory are more concerned with character assassination than with establishing collusion in the murder of Rosemary Nelson. It is equally clear that the British Government can’t afford an enquiry that will be truly independent.

It was the late Fr. Denis Faul who in the course of his work in exposing the atrocities of the British Army and the RUC in the 1970’s stated ‘I can verify that the British never told the truth about a single thing they ever did in this country.’

If the current enquiries are anything to go by, truth is not part of their agenda.

Someone once stated that Ireland has always been the rock upon which English virtue has floundered. To that could be added the virtue and credibility of British enquiries.