Monday, 26 January 2015


Britain's dirty war in Ireland, is still conducted by it's military and secret police, despite a pseudo peace process, against revolutionary insurgents and the civilian population. They use kidnapping, torture and murder. Their victims include, lawyers, journalists, socialists, political activists, politicians, civilians and their own paramilitary police. Responsibility for these atrocities lies with the British cabinet and 'untouchable' senior military, both past and present. General Sir Mike Jackson, former Chief of Staff and former commander of the Parachute Regiment, has already admitted, the existence of MRF, with Brigadier Gordon Kerr in charge of the Force Research Unit (FRU), it's military advisers Colonel David Stirling and dirty tricks specialist, General Frank Kitson

The Ministry of Defence, the Prime Minister of Occupied Ireland and Britain's Defence secretary signed off on MRF's murders of innocent unarmed civilians, on the understanding, that nothing would be officially revealed. The MRF was later officially revealed in Parliament in March 1994 while documents of British crimes against humanity, were destroyed. The MRF engaged in terror tactics against the nationalist community, with random drive-by shootings of innocent unarmed civilians, in order to inflame sectarianism in Ireland. The unit along with British state collusion, used old tactics, taught by British Advisors to the Egyptian Army and others, to protect British economic interests in the MIddle-East.

orchestrated a campaign of state terrorism in Ireland, in events such as Bloody Sunday, the Ballymurphy Massacre, loyalist collusion gangs, assassination of lawyers and journalists, with state terrorism, torture, with its unofficial army of mercenaries, in widespread operations of British state collusion with terrorism. There was endemic, systematic, collusion between British Army regiments and loyalist paramilitaries, with a fifth of the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment membership, attached to loyalist paramilitaries, with the full knowledge of the British Army, resulting in more than 120 random, savage, sectarian murders, in just one locality, known as the murder triangle alone, following Bloody Sunday. These attacks, also extended to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, by the Royal Ulster Constabulary(police) and the British Army's, Ulster Defence Regiment.

Britain, still institutionalises misery and injustice, with token reforms as a sop to British Sinn Fein, in a pseudo peace process, used as window dressing, to hide the ugly reality of everyday life of fear, in British Occupied Ireland. The British destroyed many lives and families, while dividing Irish communities, in its test laboratory, for counter-insurgency, repression and surveillance, which are applied today by its ‘counter-terrorism’ advisors, worldwide. British colleges, now train old colonies, in their dark art, of destroying democratic opposition, as they share, their old Imperial experience, with covert US special forces, supporting proxy warlords and astroturf political parties, such as British Sinn Fein and other astroturf, political, entities, worldwide. 
Below is just a brief synopsis by Wiki, of how it started, around the time of Bloody Sunday. Again, it is but the tip of the iceberg. 


Military Reaction Force

The Military Reaction Force was a covert British Army unit, or group of units, set up io Occupied Ireland in 1971. Its MRF acronym has given rise to a variety of explanations over the years. It was created by Frank Kitson in 1971 under the control of his 39 Infantry Brigade. The Four Square Laundry and Glen Road shooting incidents probably contributed to the decision to reorganise it in 1972 as the Special Reconnaissance Unit under the direct control of HQ Northern Ireland.


Mark Urban quotes Lord Carver as stating: "For some time various surveillance operations by soldiers in plain clothes had been in train, initiated by Frank Kitson when he commanded the the [39] Brigade in Belfast, some of them exploiting ex-members or supporters of the IRA."On his appointment in 1970 to command 39 Brigade in Belfast, Kitson had received the approval of his superiors to set up the MRF. He recruited 'turned' IRA members , nicknamed the 'Freds', who were sent to live in a British Army married quarters at Palace Barracks in Holywood, east Belfast. The undercover unit started out as a handful of soldiers under the command of a captain who operated only in Brigadier Kitson's area of responsibility and were known by the nick name of the 'Bomb Squad'. The name Mobile Reconnaissance Force was only given several weeks after the soldiers had begun to operate.
John Black allegations

A convicted loyalist using the pseudonym 'John Black' has claimed that the MRF was involved in the bombing of McGurk's bar on 4 December 1971, which killed 15 people
Seamus Wright

In the summer of 1972, the IRA discovered that one of its members, Seamus Wright, was working for the MRF:Under interrogation by Second Battalion staff, Wright admitted that all the time he had actually been in the company of a special military unit based at Palace barracks in Holyrood, Co. Down, where IRA suspects were taken for investigation before being interned. The unit was known by the initials MRF, which the IRA believed stood for Military Reconnaissance Force, a group subsequently alleged to have been involved in two drive-by shootings in the summer of 1972 that were blamed at the time on loyalist gangs. Wright admitted he had agreed to work for the MRF.

Wright was allowed to return to Holyrood to glean more information:The IRA learned that the MRF operation was under the auspices of 39 Infantry Brigade and had been devised by Frank Kitson, who had left the province in April after having shaped the structure of the new force. The MRF was composed of several elements. The first was a group of regular soldiers who were divided into four-man units comprising a junior officer, a sergeant and two privates. They operated in plain clothes and drove civilian cars. The section to which Wright was attached was known as the 'Freds' and was composed of members of Republican and Loyalist paramilitary organisations who had been 'turned' by Special Branch and Army intelligence.

Wright went on to implicate another IRA member Kevin McKee who gave the IRA further details about MRF operations.
Four Square Laundry

McKee told the IRA that the MRF was operating the Four Square mobile laundry service in West Belfast to gather intelligence through surveillance and forensic testing on clothes.

On 2 October 1972, the IRA attacked the Four Square laundry van on the Twinbrook estate, killing the driver, 21-year-old Sapper Ted Stuart. His colleague Lance Corporal Sarah Jane Warke of the Royal Military Policeescaped.

At the same time, other IRA units attacked two offices linked to the MRF: one above a massage parlour at 397 Antrim Road, and the other at College Square East, but succeeded only in wounding a bystander.According to Martin Dillon, the IRA did not realise that the massage parlour was itself an MRF intelligence-gathering operation.

The IRA subsequently stated:"The Republican movement has been aware for a number of months of a Special British Army Intelligence Unit, code-named MRF. This unit, comprising picked men, has been operating under the guise of civilians. The unit was run by a Captain McGregor who used flats and offices in Belfast and ran a laundry service."

Wright and McKee were subsequently killed and secretly buried by the IRA.
Glen Road shooting

On the morning of 22 June 1972 shots were fired from a civilian car on the Glen Road, wounding two men on the street, and a third, Thomas Gerard Shaw, in the bedroom of a nearby house.

A year later, on 23 June 1973, the Belfast Telegraph reported the trial of 26-year-old Sergeant Clive Graham Williams, with Brian Hutton prosecuting.On the second day of the trial Sergeant Clive Graham Williams walked into the the witness box and identified himself as the commander of a unit of theMilitary Reaction Forceattached to 39 Infantry Brigade. (Note his use of the word 'Reaction' rather than 'Reconnaissance' as in the official title given to the unit by the media, the Provos, the two double agents and Army statements released after the Four-Square attacks. Was the designation 'Military Reaction Force' an error on the part of Williams, or was it the Army's term for this elite grouping, or was it a term which defined a role for one of the sections within the Military Reconnaissance Force?

Williams was found not guilty by an 11 to 1 majority verdict. Charges had previously been dropped against Captain James McGregor who had been in the car with him, and who had previously been named to the IRA as a leading MRF member by Wright and McKee.
Other plain clothes shooting incidents

Martin Dillon cites a number of other incidents in Belfast in 1972 that may have been linked to the MRF:
- The killing of Patrick McVeigh in Andersonstown by plain-clothes soldiers on 13 May 1972.
- The shooting of Jerry and John Conway by plain-clothes soldiers on the Springhill estate several weeks earlier.
- A shooting incident involving a plain-clothes army patrol on the Shankill in May 1972.
- The killing of nineteen-year-oldDaniel Rooney and wounding of 18-year-old Brendan Brennan by a plain-clothes army patrol in the St James district on 27 September 1972. Lieutenant-Colonel Robin Evelegh of the Royal Green Jackets subsequently produced a car with bullet holes that he claimed Rooney and Brennan had fired on. A statement asserting Rooney's innocence was read at local Catholic churches on 1 October.
RUC relations

Martin Dillon has suggested that RUCdetective work played a significant role in exposing the MRF's activities.A Special Branch officer told me that their 'fingerprints were not on that period.' They all agreed that the MRF's operations were amateurish and not tightly controlled.

Wilson Briefing

The history of the MRF was outlined in a briefing submitted to Prime Minister Harold Wilson ahead of a meeting with Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave on 5 April 1974.“Plain-clothes teams, initially joint RUC/army patrols, have operated in Occupied Ireland since the IRA bombing campaign in Easter 1971.“Later in 1971 the teams were reformed and expanded as Military Reaction Forces (MRFs) without RUC participation.“In 1972 the operations of the MRF were brought under more centralised control and a higher standard of training achieved by establishing a Special Reconnaissance Unit(SRU) of 130 with all ranks under direct command of HQNI.

Robin Ramsay commented:For those two lines read, 'After the MRF were exposed as driving around shooting at alleged members of the IRA, we had to get some kind of grip on the situation and broke up MRF.'This is the first officialexplanation of what the initials MRF stood for that I have seen.
SAS assessment

Ramsay's conclusion is supported by the account of former SAS soldier Ken Connor, who states that he was part of a three man team sent to assess the MRF , which he refers to as the Military Reconnaissance Force, in the wake of the Four Square Laundry episode.It soon became apparent that its cover was blown and the group of people running it were so out of control that it had to be disbanded at once.Without reference to each other, we all produced the same recommendation: it's been a useful tool, but it's well past it's sell-by date. Get rid of it, acquire the needed skills, then reform it in a different guise.The result was 14 Int - the Fourteenth Intelligence Company.

In this instance, 14 Intelligence Company would seem to be a cover name for the Special Reconnaissance Unit.
Captain James McGregor
Sergeant Clive Graham Williams
Lance-Corporal Sarah Jane Warke
Sapper Ted Stuart
Alleged 'Freds'
Seamus Wright
Kevin McKee
Louis Hammond
See Also
File:Countergangs1971-76.pdf - Counter-Gangs: A history of undercover military units in Northern Ireland 1971 - 1976

Sunday, 25 January 2015


Aside from the massacres in Derry and Belfast, the same British parachute regiment, used school children in the Newry area, for target practice and shot two 12 years olds dead, one a schoolgirl was shot in the back on her way  to church. These shootings by the British Paratroopers, were common across the north of Ireland. The British Government used this Regiment, for the sole purpose of British state terrorism in Ireland, to terrorize the native population into submission, to surrender their Civil Rights. Coupled with indiscriminate murder of civilians by pseudo gangs, under the cover of flags of convenience of loyalist paramilitaries. They then justified their presence in Ireland, in the sectarian mayhem they created. This has always been a part of their strategy worldwide and only the International Criminal Court, has the power to bring it to an end. Bringing Britain before the ICC, is bigger than just it's war crimes in Ireland. Britain is currently outsourcing its state terror and torture worldwide. There is considerable evidence to support this, stretching from Libya, all across the middle-east and beyond.  It is an international issue and must be undertaken at the ICC, to prevent further crimes against humanity.


Were Bloody Sunday soldiers involved in 'Ballymurphy massacre'?
In the wake of the Saville report, relatives of 11 people killed in Belfast by the army in 1971 are now calling for an inquiry into their deaths

Henry McDonald,

Protesters carry a coffin in west Belfast commemorating the 1971 'Ballymurphy massacre'. Photograph: Paul Faith/PA

It has been called west Belfast's Bloody Sunday. Over 36 hours between 9 and 11 August 1971 – six months before British paratroopers were deployed to Derry with tragic consequences – the Parachute Regiment shot dead 11 civilians in the west Belfast housing estate of Ballymurphy. Those who were fatally wounded included the local priest and a 45-year-old mother.

Now, in the wake of the publication last week of the Saville report on Bloody Sunday, the relatives of those killed 39 years ago in Belfast have called for an international investigation to determine whether the same soldiers were involved in the "Ballymurphy massacre".

John Teggart's father, Daniel, was shot 14 times while fleeing an area close to a joint army-police station on the Springfield Road during the violence. Teggart said his father had been visiting his sister's house when the shooting started. An inquest later found that most of the bullets entered Daniel Teggart's back while he was lying on the ground after being wounded, his son said.

"This was a massacre on the same scale as Bloody Sunday, although it was forgotten," said John Teggart.

The shootings occurred during a mass arrest operation in the period of internment, when security forces detained hundreds of nationalists across Northern Ireland without trial. Teggart, however, stressed that there has been no evidence that any of the 11 who fell were armed or carrying explosives. "The paras just went berserk," he contended.

Teggart said the families of those killed now want an independent international inquiry to establish if any of the same soldiers involved in Bloody Sunday fired fatal shots in Ballymurphy.

"We have been able to establish that among the 500 paratroopers deployed from 8 August, 1 Para – the same unit sent into the Bogside in Derry – was on our streets. It was the same type of operation as the one in Derry on Bloody Sunday. The paras went in hard, they fired incoherently, they shot people lying on the ground. We need an inquiry to establish if those doing the shooting in Ballymurphy were the same ones who opened fire six months later in Derry."

The parallels between what happened in Ballymurphy and in Derry are uncanny, Teggart said. The death of the local parish priest, Fr Hugh Mullan, recalls the way another priest, the future Catholic Bishop of Derry, Fr Edward Daly, tried to help the wounded on Bloody Sunday.

"The world saw the television pictures of Fr Daly waving a white handkerchief towards the paras in Derry as he tried to save a wounded man being carried through the streets," said Teggart. "Fr Mullan had telephoned the army base to tell them he was going out to help those wounded in Ballymurphy. He came out waving a piece of cloth, walking towards a field where one of the men shot by the paras lay dying. Fr Mullan was shot as he tried to help a local man and he fell down as he prayed over that man's body."

Teggart said the evidence the campaign group have gathered undermines one of Lord Saville's key conclusions regarding top military officers. The Bloody Sunday report said it could "not criticise General Ford for deciding to deploy soldiers to arrest rioters..." Saville also concluded that General Ford "neither knew nor had reason to know at any stage that his decision would or was likely to result in soldiers firing unjustifiably on that day."

But the Ballymurphy massacre campaign group said that what happened six months earlier was a clear warning that the paratroopers should not have been deployed against unarmed civilians.

Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams, who is the local MP, has called for an "international, reputable, neutral and dependable agency" to be brought in to investigate the massacre. SDLP leader and South Down MP Margaret Ritchie last week asked David Cameron to launch an inquiry. The families are expected to meet Northern Ireland secretary Owen Paterson over the next few weeks.

For John Teggart, watching the Derry families celebrate the declarations that their loved ones were innocent stirred mixed emotions.

"We were all delighted for the people of Derry. But it made me think that if the authorities had carried out a proper inquiry of what happened in Ballymurphy six months earlier, instead of calling in the military police to investigate, the paras would never have been deployed in Derry and all those people up there would not have lost their lives."

Saturday, 24 January 2015


Irish Blog has already attempted, to organize a Petition to bring Britain, before the International Criminal Court in the Hague, in the same way that the Palestinian Authority has taken Israel to the ICC. The Petition has been censored, as is Irish Blog, to a considerable extent, with intranets including Facebook, by British agents in Ireland.The Petition requires the same commitment, persistence and resistance to British interference in Ireland, as has the struggle of the last 45 years. 

People with a proven track record of integrity, such as Bernadette, Marian, Eamon, Martin, Francie, Kate and others, some of whom are not permitted by the British, to leave their own neighbourhoods, might consider organizing this initially, by a conference call, with technical help. As respected elders, with considerable experience, they could guide the mobilization of the Petition worldwide, for the sake of Unity, to overcome British elements, which will seek to divide and distract the organization of this petition throughout Ireland. I propose this, as a totally peaceful, civilized, alternative step, on the path to Irish liberation.

A successful Petition to bring Britain before the ICC for crimes against humanity in Ireland, can only be organized and mobilized effectively by a genuine party of the Irish people on the ground in Ireland, with a proven track record of integrity. I am calling on people of integrity in Ireland, to form a group along the lines of the 
H-BLOCK/ARMAGH COMMITTEE, to Petition, for Britain to be taken before the International Criminal Court in the Hague, for all it's war crimes, including genocide in Ireland, in the same manner as the Palestinian Authority is currently doing. Because of censorship, Irish Blog respectfully requests, that this proposal, is brought to the attention of those elders mentioned, for consideration by you, if you are acquainted with them. I believe this proposal, needs to transcend party politics, in order to be successful.

Bloody Sunday: Put Britain in the dock
I witnessed the events of Bloody Sunday and its violent legacy. The British government, not soldiers, should be held to account

Bernadette Devlin McAliskey

The outcome of the Saville inquiry has been published. A second British prime minister has apologised for the killing of unarmed and innocent protesters. This time the British government acknowledged the actions of members of the British army were unjustified and unjustifiable.

Prosecutions of individual foot soldiers are unlikely. Their own testimony cannot be used, and almost 40 years after the event, prosecution will raise a whole new series of concerns and debate about human rights violations oppressive litigation, and the application of the terms of the peace agreements. A respected human rights lawyer has already offered their services in prosecuting the real culprit, the British state. But Lord Saville has exonerated the state.

I was on the speaker's platform on Bloody Sunday. Despite burying the images in some deep mental archive, Bloody Sunday refuses to fade or mellow in my consciousness. Initially, disbelief gave way to fear, horror, anger, and then detachment. Finally, I was angry only with myself.

My political analysis had until then discounted any real belief – despite the long history of Anglo-Irish conflict – that the British government would countenance killing the people in order to suppress the protests. Now that it had happened, it made sense to me that it had always been going to happen and would continue; it was fundamental to the nature of the British state in Ireland. I felt I should have known that, and now I did, I was still up for the fight.

The key impact of Bloody Sunday was that a whole generation made a similar analysis and this fuelled some 25 years of violent political conflict, at least tolerated by the majority of the "minority population" and actively pursued by a significant but sustainable minority. It is responsibility for this legacy that sets Bloody Sunday apart from subsequent atrocities on all sides.

As a member of parliament at the time, I was denied the right to give parliament an eyewitness account. The home secretary,Reginald Maudling, lied to the House and the media willingly collaborated in uncritically repeating the government misrepresentation. In what was considered gross overreaction and disgracefully violent behaviour, I crossed the floor of the House and hit him.

I did not call for a public inquiry, did not welcome the Saville inquiry and only testified to respect the wishes of the bereaved families. I regret none of those things, but challenge the view that it was an expensive waste of time, energy and money. Had Bloody Sunday been no more than a violent and disgraceful overreaction or unlawful behaviour on the part of a few "squaddies" or overzealous commanders, it would not have required the British government and its military to create the complicated labyrinth of lies and deceit which has taken hundreds of testimonies, thousands of pages, millions of pounds and 38 years to unravel.

The Bloody Sunday Trust and the bereaved families have shown great stamina and courage in their quest for disclosure and truth. Respectfully, however, Bloody Sunday isn't just about the families or how the 13 individuals lost their lives that day; the 14th dying later of his wounds. It is about whether the British government committed a war crime in 1972 and in so doing started a war. It is the British government, not their anonymous and brutalised soldiers of their alphabet army who should be in the dock, at the international court of justice at The Hague. If Saville has closed that route to truth and justice, the British government will consider it worth every penny.

Had the British state been speedily held to account at The Hague, things might have been different for a lot of people, not least for nine Turkish human rights activists on their way to Gaza. They might not have been so confidently slaughtered by the state of Israel.

Friday, 23 January 2015


Britain's sells a benign approach to foreign policy, which is contradicted by the reality on the ground, wherever it invades. Bloody Sunday in Derry, is only the tip of the iceberg, which evolved into British collusion with loyalist paramilitaries groups in Occupied Ireland, who  indiscriminately assassinated Catholics. This is well documented by Anne Calder's book Lethal Allies. This was further demonstrated, by the way the British Government doctored intelligence on weapons of mass destruction, misleading the House of Commoners, the whole country and indeed the world, of a non-existent threat, posed by Saddam Hussein, which is now being sexed down, in the delayed Chilcott Inquiry.
Britain's foreign policy, is essentially sugar coated deception and malevolence, under the cloak of non-existent democracy, peace, human rights which are their legacy, as Britain now supports terrorism, while violating international law and refusing to be a member of the International Criminal Court, where it would be obliged, to comply with international standards. Ireland being it's first colony, has been a primary training ground for genocide, war crimes and torture, as the European Court, found in the case of the hooded men. Footage of Bloody Sunday, is a more explicit example, of it's normally secret, war crimes
The British government have made this deceptive process an art form, cloaking the reality of their government policy, in propaganda and failing this, sanitizing their atrocities, in Inquiries like the Saville and Chilcott Inquiries. They have taught their proteges in Ireland this art too, to serve the interests of City of London, the Capital of International piracy. Contempt for International law continues, in their neo-colonial era of their Commonwealth, with non-compliance to these international standards of law, there as well. By creating regime change and mentoring compliant juntas, with their terrorist and pseudo-democratic narrative, perfected in Ireland, they install non-democratic regimes, as  they continue their tradition of piracy, for City of London interests, under a thin veneer of civilization, while the reality is brutal and criminally exploitive. 
Of course none of this would be possible, without cultivating a bureaucracy of Britsh 'educated' prejudice, hypocrisy, privilege and elitism, that rationalizes the documented, substantiated, hard evidence of  former secret government files, in places like Occupied Ireland, Kosovo, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Yemen, Kenya, Malaya and Oman. Their deception of genocide, war crimes and torture is there, for any objective researcher to see, as a result of painstaking research, analysis and declassified documents, in graphic detail, that is truly a shocking exposé of British genocide, war crimes and double-standards, that would make even Hitler turn in his grave. The current sick Chilcott joke on Iraq, remains, that he only has to look at the receipts of what the British Government sold Saddam, to know the precise truth, but then that's not the real purpose of British Inquiries, as we all know in Ireland. It's about the eternal deceit narrative of British international piracy, plunder and pillage, slaughtering in excess of the ten million, that already got in their way.
The World is systematically misinformed, about the real role of the UK in the world, with media, such as the BBC world service and mainstream corporate media, coupled with an old diplomatic service worldwide, of it's former overt empire, to ensure, the use of the terms like "genocide"or war crimes are not used, so that bodies like the UN, will not act, on matters such as the Irish Holocaust. Britain's slaughter of tens of millions of people worldwide, is buried, across the entire mainstream political discourse. Anyone who wishes to understand the reality of Britain's foreign policies, cannot rely on the mainstream media. The challenge of any objective historian or truth seeker, is to reconstruct real-life British history, from the self-serving web of British lies and deceit. This article is a call to those who wish to bring Imperial power to account and international standards of law. Britain needs to be brought to book at the International Criminal Court, in order to comply with civilized global standards, so that these crimes against humanity are halted, once and for all. Their latest terrorist narrative, requires freedom activists worldwide, to learn how to use our latest technology intelligently, to overcome censorship and disinformation, so that these crimes against humanity, are exposed to everyone.

Thursday, 22 January 2015


Oscar Wilde — 'The truth is rarely pure and never simple.'

From experience, I would agree with the above quote. However in my quest for personal freedom, which is conditional on sharing it with others as best I can, I also try to keep it simple.I am also learning the price of freedom, is first taking personal responsibility, being the flawed human I am, I can only try my best, which often falls far short of the ideal. Unless I share my own experience first, I am probably writing nonsense, with regard to events in British Occupied Ireland. That is why I am forced once again, to state that, I volunteered three times for active service, with the Provisional IRA, to demonstrate that I was prepared to walk my talk. I would be a rather foolish man, to be stating these matters here, if they were not grounded in fact.

When the peaceful demonstrators of the Civil Rights campaign, based on Martin Luther King principles, were shot in massacres, off their own streets in British Occupied Ireland, Britain by any standards, was at war with the Irish people officially, and guilty of war crimes. That was more than 43 years ago and to a lesser or greater extent, that war still continues in Ireland, be it high or low intensity. The proof of this, is the recent kneecapping and elbow-capping, a few days ago in Belfast and the many political prisoners still incarcerated. Because this matter is not reported in a transparent manner, by the British controlled media, few people have any idea, what this was about. All the general population can do in such circumstance, is to live in fear, keep their heads down, keep their mouth shut, say nothing and pray to their respective Catholic and Protestant Gods, that the knock does not come to their door.

People were told for many years by British Sinn Fein, that this was all a consequence of a war situation with Britain, the goal being liberation.This is by any standards of fair-mindedness, unacceptable, forty-three years later, with the prospect of another forty-three more years, this still remains the situation. That is the principal reason, it is called the Bad Friday Agreement, by a significant part of the population. The chief enforcer of that agreement on the ground, has been Gerry Kelly of British Sinn Fein, who has called on Irish people, to become informers, to British occupation forces in Ireland, with regard to any activity, by those who claim to have inherited the traditional Irish Republican resistance, to British rule in Ireland. I am aware from personal experience, that there are people of considerable integrity, among the resistance leadership. However there are also people, as no doubt was the case with the provisionals, many of whom are exploiting the war, on all sides, for self-serving reasons and profit.

Going back to personal experience again, I spent considerable time, as an unpaid volunteer, behind a desk in the first Provisional Sinn Fein centre in Newry, as a voluntary servant, to people, who came with the various problems, that every person has to deal with, living in British Occupied Ireland. From problems like leaking roofs, anti-social behaviour, British repression, people bringing bullets, received in the post, people dragged away to interrogation centres, like Gough and Castlereagh, political prisoner, related issues, interrogation centre issues. In fact I once had to stand alone, facing an insurrection crowd, who wanted Martin McGuinness's blood. I have often regretted my stand since, but that was my responsibility and I acted in good faith. Between this and other activity, I spent up to eighty hours a week, constantly alert and on my toes, with the only relief, being a couple of pints at the end of the night, listening to Irish music.

When Adams and McGuinness started to take control of Provisional Sinn Fein, with elections and money, a new calibre of volunteers started to appear, and as time went by, I started to become disillusioned, with the general direction of the organization. I began to suspect, that many of those now around me, were compromised to the British. Documents appeared in the office, which suggested collaboration with the British. However giving the benefit of the doubt, as we normally would do, to comrades and friends, I thought the British, probably planted them. However when one of our comrades was taken to Castlereagh for interrogation, and in my capacity at the Centre in Newry, I phoned Castlereagh, a few times every day, inquiring about his welfare, eventually on the last day, the voice of the comrade in question, came screaming down the other end the phone in reply from Castlereagh. Now of course, this could be another ploy by the interrogators, so I still gave him the benefit of the doubt, but it did pose some serious questions for me personally.

I was in a catch 22 situation but I travelled up to Belfast and went to Provisional Sinn Fein's headquarters on the Falls Road, with my concerns but approached them in a tentative way, because it was a leadership issue. I was eventually met by a person, whom I had good grounds to believe, was Chief of Staff. After some general discussion about matters on the ground in Newry, my intuition felt, that it was not safe, to voice my leadership concerns about IRA matters. I came to the conclusion, that a considerable part of the IRA leadership, was compromised to the British. My consumption of alcohol increased thereafter and I found myself one evening leading up to Christmas, without a pot to piss in, a wife and a family, whom I had neglected, because of political commitments and some serious doubts, about the leadership. I approached the senior Republican in Newry in question and challenged him about leadership, which resulted in an argument, in which I became quite drunk. I went down the street and held up a business, walked home to my wife and children, with my pockets full of money, to buy toys for my children and drink for myself, for the Christmas.This is not Irish republican activity and causes great harm, in bringing it's cause into disrepute.

Anyway, the RUC came in the early hours of the morning, as they previously had done, many times before, for strictly political activity, while I was asleep in the chair with my pockets full of money. In the early hours of the morning, still suffering from the DT's, I agreed to become an informer, if they arranged my release. I did not divulge any information, that caused anyone, time in prison or their death. I did rectify a proposed operation on my release, before any harm was done. After a couple of weeks I was released on bail and as soon as I saw people from Newry on the street, I realized I could not become an informer and look them in the eye.

I went across to headquarters elsewhere, to explain everything, fully expecting to take a bullet in the head, for my behaviour, elsewhere, but failed to make contact. I was then forced to go and face the person in question, locally in Newry, whom I had argued with, while definitely expecting a bullet, to explain the details and was thoroughly debriefed. At the end of the interview, I asked what was the best course of action to take. I was ADVISED, not ORDERED, to cross the border. I sought further advice from a very ethical priest on the matter and lived in the south of Ireland.

After I moved, with the shame and the guilt I felt, my drinking increased rapidly, to the point of alcoholism, where I was eventually forced to get help, with the 12 fucked steps. I wish to re-iterate here, to be fair to myself, that at no time, have I ever been, what is known as a Tout or an informer for the British. Many decent volunteers have broken in interrogation, we are not all made of the same stuff but at no time, have I engaged in this activity and until the the British Occupation of my country is resolved, could I in a sober state, engage in such activity. Drinking to excess and Irish Republican politics, do not mix in Occupied Ireland.

The truth, forgiveness and reconciliation, have set me free personally. I believe the same patient process, can do the same for my country, but it requires and honest broker, and an international, transparent, platform with clout. Twenty years after the the Bad Friday Agreement, there has not been the promised Truth & Reconciliation, that the process requires. I know from experience, that there never will be one, within the islands, because there are too may vested interests, in high places, that will never allow the truth to see the light of day. Like the Palestinian Authority, I believe that the International Criminal Court in the Hague, is the only place, to adjudicate all war crimes, including genocide, committed in Ireland by Britain, to resolve the issues, in a civilized way. That part of the process, called reconciliation, requires restitution be made, in the same manner, as was made to the Jewish people for their Holocaust.

The Continuity IRA political prisoners, probably the most hardline and oldest of Irish Republican resistance, in a recent communique, with regard to seven men, from the Newry area recently arrested, stated:

“These individuals do not belong to the Continuity Irish Republican Army.Their only goal is an MI5-led incursion, with the sole aim of destroying the Republican movement. Their criminal exploits are well known in our communities so it would be very hypocritical and unethical on a point of principle to allow this masquerade to continue within this jail.We will take every action necessary, to protect our status and our movement from these criminals. We wish to make it clear these men are not republicans."

CIRA are the oldest army, of the anti-bad Friday agreement, following a split within provisional sinn féin in 1986, a year after my departure, which formed Republican Sinn Féin. I do not belong to any political organization, because I believe, that currently, the war is doing more harm than good for the Irish Cause. Incidents such as the kneecapping and elbow capping of suspected criminals, such as the individual punished in Belfast a few days ago, with media manipulation, serve only the interests of the British and their proteges British Sinn Fein in calling for iIrish informers to the British. It serves only the interests of Fear & Censorship of the Cause of Ireland, ajust Cause in a transparent, civilized, International Court. The Cause of Ireland is the Cause of Freedom and the Cause of Freedom is the Cause of Ireland.

I am calling on CIRA leadership and those of integrity within other groups, including those who have been misled in Provisional Sinn Fein, to organize in Republican unity at a Congress, to consider this and other matters, to replace armed struggle, with a co- ordinated, methodical, persistent manner, to mobilize the support of the Irish people, behind this course of action, and ensure that it is led by people, with a proven track record of persistent resistance, to British crimes in Ireland. Ordinary Irish people have suffered enough from the law of the gun, fear and censorship. Genuine Irish Republicans have nothing to fear about the truth of war crimes being revealed at the International Criminal Court. I have tried despite censorship to campaign for this. It obviously requires the energy, commitment and organization demonstrated from the resistance of the last forty-five years in the present troubles.

The a party that organizes this, will have my commitment and support. All Irish political prisoners, who commit themselves to this course of action and its peaceful enforcement, need to be paroled in the interests of the common good of Ireland. The Price of Freedom is Responsibility, the State of British Occupied Ireland is not fit because of fear, for human habitation, in my humble opinion. Fortunately for me, it is easier write all of this, while outside Ireland, because Kitsonian counter gangs work on the basis, that dead men don't talk. I am one of the fortunate ones, who flew over the cuckoo's nest, I would be dead years ago, if I had stayed there. I plead with fair-minded people, to have mercy on the poor people who still live there. We are as Sick as our Secrets, a society of Fear & Censorship ensures secrecy. Who is afraid of the Truth? the British are, because like Israel, they want to disband it. I would ask that 32CSM have a look at the Al Jazeera opinion below, on time wasted at the UN.
brionOcleirigh, Ex-political sinner & recovering alcoholic.
Let he who is without sin cast the first stone!

Israel urging ICC member states to cease funding the court after launch of preliminary inquiry into possible war crimes.

Dalia Hatuqa | 20 Jan 2015
Absence of peace talks and increasing pressure from the Palestinian public paved the way for joining the ICC

Palestinians are facing a slew of retaliatory measures after signing the Rome Statute, paving the way to join the International Criminal Court (ICC), The Hague-based legal body that prosecutes perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity.

After Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas signed the guiding treaty of the ICC on December 31, 2014, Israel announced a freeze on the tax revenue it collects on the Palestinians' behalf, affecting the salaries of some 160,000 PA civil servants.

Israel also said it would lobby ICC member-states to defund the court after prosecutors launched a preliminary inquiry into possible war crimes in the Palestinian territories. "We will demand that our friends in Canada, Australia and Germany simply to stop funding it," Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman told Israel Radio.

"This body represents no one. It is a political body," he said. "There are a quite a few countries that also think there is no justification for this body's existence." Neither Israel nor the US are ICC members.

RELATED: Palestine's ICC bid could mark turning point

The inquiry by the court's chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, is the first step that could potentially lead to charges being filed against Israelis. "The office will conduct its analysis in full independence and impartiality," she said in an announcement on the ICC's website.

Palestine's court membership comes into effect on April 1, 2015, but the ICC's jurisdiction is recognised from June 13, 2014, a period that covers Israel's summer military offensive on Gaza - Operation Protective Edge - which resulted in the death of more than 2,000 Palestinians and 70 Israelis.

Diplomacy cannot be a tool used in isolation. It must be part of a strategy that takes other tools into consideration, like boycotting Israel economically and non-violent resistance.

- Hani al-Masri, political analyst

Legal experts said the choice of jurisdiction served two purposes: Going back too far in time would call into question accountability for suicide bombings, and Palestine's non-member status at the UN, which was upgraded from "observer entity" to an "observer state" in 2012. In 2009, Palestinians asked the court to investigate Israeli crimes during that year's three-week war in Gaza, but were rejected because of their status at the UN.

"Going to the ICC should have taken place a long time ago," said Shawan Jabarin, who heads al-Haq, the West Bank affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists in Geneva. "But now that it has, we can say that it's a good thing, especially because it can look into settlements as a war crime, and the crimes perpetrated in Gaza."

The absence of peace talks and increasing pressure from the Palestinian public and parties paved the way for joining the ICC after months of threats to do so, politicians said. Khalida Jarrar, who heads the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) - a left-wing faction constantly in conflict with the president - said her party and several others have been pushing Abbas to take this step after years of him threatening to do so.

"We have been exerting pressure on Abbas for a long time to go to the ICC," Jarrar said. "So we welcome this move, but unfortunately until now, we have had no clear strategy, just knee-jerk reactions. We must stop betting on negotiations, on the Americans, and we should take our case to the UN alone."

Abbas has come under renewed pressure as of late, and likely feels cornered by a slew of opposing forces. Washington has called the ICC move "counterproductive" towards a peace settlement, and warned that US aid to the PA could be impacted.

On Sunday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Israel would fight the ICC prosecutor's decision to launch an initial inquiry into war crimes, which he dubbed "the height of hypocrisy and the opposite of justice". According to a Haaretz report, Netanyahu also decided to launch a "media campaign" to discredit the ICC and Chief Prosecutor Bensouda.

OPINION: Palestine's wasted time at the UN

Aides to the Palestinian president said the ICC move comes at a time when the Israeli occupation has become entrenched in every facet of Palestinian life.

Netanyahu has never negotiated in good faith and Israel has not missed an opportunity to undermine Abbas' governance and break previous agreements, revealing the lopsided dynamic between the two parties, they contend.

"Pressure was constantly being applied on the president not to head to the UN and not to apply for membership in international bodies, but he did those anyway," said Ahmad Assaf, a spokesman for Fatah, the West Bank's ruling party which Abbas heads. "He has succeeded in placing the Palestinian cause in the international arena limelight."

But critics believe that internationalising the Palestinian cause and relying on diplomacy may not be enough. There are already signs that the Palestinians may withdraw their ICC appeal if Israel were to freeze settlement construction,according to a Times of Israel report.

"The Palestinian leadership's signature move has become issuing a series of empty threats," said Hani al-Masri, a Ramallah-based political analyst. "There won't be an end to security coordination for example. Diplomacy cannot be a tool used in isolation. It must be part of a strategy that takes other tools into consideration, like boycotting Israel economically and non-violent resistance."

Source: Al Jazeera