Tuesday, 27 January 2015

MAKE DIRTY LOVE NOT DIRTY WAR


Sex quite often, like eating food or having a dump, are for me, the basic pleasures of life. I prefer the spontaneous quill, with all its quirks, to the censored, pensive one, which is often dead, from the neck down, dull and boring. For some religious people I am aware, this is offensive. Now I don't wish to cause offence, particularly for any of the extended family, of the the victims of the atrocity of Bloody Sunday, but if I am going to write about it honestly, I first have to be true to myself. Having read a very ignorant article in the Pensive Quill recently, about Muslims and other ignorant comments about Jews, from others, professing to be a supporter of the IRA, I have little choice but to be explicit myself, when explaining my own perspective. Of course political enemies will use this, to create misunderstanding and division, again. So, I repeat, I do not wish to cause any offence to the extended family of the Bloody Sunday massacre but getting down and dirty, is for me part of the process, of cutting through the superficial veneer of civility, that often masks War Crimes like Bloody Sunday.

I like passionate people, who have beliefs and matters close to their heart, for which they are intelligently prepared, to put their life on the line, if the case need be. Having said that, I believe life to be a very precious gift, so when I see it wasted needlessly, aimlessly, I can be quite upset, regardless of nationality or tradition. In my uncensored discussions with English friends, no matter how enlightened they seem to be, or how much they have read or tried to understand the troubles n Ireland,  they seem to fail to understand, the experience of being under the jackboot of Imperialism. Of course, it couldn't be any other way, if we consider it. The best analogy I can give, is again the following. If my neighbour breaks into my house, kills a few of my children, rapes my wife, and robs all of my valuables, I would be a strange sort of man, if I stood idly by  and simply started praying for him.

Now one of my English friends, to whom I have failed to explain our experience successfully, also believes that London needs to be more honest, by taking down the Union Jack and replacing it with the Skull and Crossbones. I respect that sort of honesty and we have had our own pirates ourselves, the most successful, being a woman called Grace O'Malley, who took great pleasure in robbing Spanish wine, en route to a tribe of Blueshirts in Galway City. Their descendants, continue to plunder the poorest and weakest of their own people in Government in Ireland.

Getting back to sex, Muslims, Jews and of my own experience with them, I have found that sexual relationships, are one of the best ways to get to know people. I have had many Jewish friends, one of them being a bi-sexual lady from Tel Aviv, who was quite kinky, in fact, like a lot of Irish Catholic women, I have found that a lot of them are quite kinky. Anyway I knew Vired in Amsterdam, when the Gulf War was happening, and when Saddam's scuds were raining down on the suburbs of her city, while we were having sex on my couch. When there were no casualties, I used to give Vired a slap on the arse, every time one came in, as she watched CNN, when we were having sex. I learned in the process, she was a bit of a masochist, from her reaction, maybe like a lot of Irish she had Stockholm Syndrome. Later as I got older and with less energy, I had a Muslim bi-sexual girlfriend, who used to slap my arse, when we were having sex, and she was a bit of a sadist. Now I might add, I am not bisexual myself, which means I have only half the pleasure, lest there be any more misunderstandings. However having had the experience of working with and for Jews, I would have to say, they are mostly a very fine people, with the exception of one possible Zionist boss but nevertheless, I learned a great deal from Mr Silver.

Now I currently live very  happily, in a Muslim village. I have a boundary fence and I do business with them on everyday stuff. I don't understand their language but many, are very well educated and speak excellent English. I find them to be more of a communal, earnest, people, rather than generally is the case in the West. In times of difficulty, I have found them to be very compassionate and gentle, but I have no doubt if I mess with them, they have a very passionate side, so to avoid linguistic and cultural misunderstandings, I approach them respectfully, honestly, carefully and with patience. I have lived here many years and aside from a few dacent arguments, which is more a case of venting, I have had no problems with them. I regard it as their communal village, and despite owning a home here, I am a guest of their village. My real home is Ireland. Anyway as a result of my passionate experiences, with Vired and Aabirah, I learned a lot, which was as fulfilling, as the many wonderful meals, cooked with passion by the many women from Isaan that I have known. The taste of spirit, is fulfilling indeed, perhaps I will elaborate on the passionate Catholic women I have known, from the west coast of Ireland another time. I will just mention, that a lot of them, tore the skin off my back.

The reason I mention some of these passionate experiences, is that War Crimes, such as Bloody Sunday, have aroused considerable passion in Ireland, the legacy of which, will not disappear overnight, no matter how much British Sinn Fein and Sinead O'Connor, would like us to believe, it never happened. Indeed like the British created Holocaust in Ireland, I doubt the ensuing resentment in our DNA, will be dealt with for centuries, which has considerable repercussions for everyone on the islands, unless truth, justice and reconciliation, are demonstrated transparently at the ICC, as was the case with the Jewish Holocaust. The second reason I mention my experiences of what was quality sex for me, with these two beautiful bi-women, is that afterwards, I was not in much of a mood, for getting hold of some Semtex or a Kalashnikov and giving the Brits a blast. So from these experiences, I would have to say, that John Lennon and Yoko Ono's mantra, of "make love not war," holds true, up to a point. In my own particular case, before I sobered up, I had a long line of resentments, that in all honesty, could only be called, blind hatred, that I was forced to deal with or kick the bucket. My last resentment, as they politely call it, died with Margaret Thatcher, that's not to say, I do not get angry, about day to day stuff since, but its a good idea I deal with it, without delay. Writing helps, but there are definitely outstanding issues between Ireland and England, that need to be dealt with intelligently, sooner rather than later by everyone, who regards themselves as a citizen, rather than a commoner of indentured slavery.

Being Irish, I have much in common, with the working class in Scotland and England, I come from a brutalised culture, and James Connoly of 1916 explained all of this very well. Unlike the  armchair generals in Whitehall and the hurlers on the ditch in Ireland, I have experienced brutality first hand, not second hand from my first recollections. I know the poverty of Spirit in no man's land or the fire of Resistance, that burns with a passion, as a consequence. Like Bernadette Devlin McAliskey, I do not hold the foot soldiers, of atrocities committed in Britain's Dirty War in Ireland, responsible, no more than I would, in the atrocities committed in the Dirty War in Argentina. The flesh, blood and bones left on the streets of Ireland from all atrocities, were not picked up by the generals and politicians, who instigated them, be they in London, Stormont or Dublin. Neither did I see the butcher from Derry, Martin McGuinness, comfort the dying, that day.

The truth and responsibility for all of this carnage, is meant to hibernate slowly, in everlasting inquiries, that are meant to outlive the victim's families, evidence and the perpetrators in Whitehall, who have a vested interest, in preventing the truth, seeing the light of day in the Hague, at the International Criminal Court, and will go to extreme lengths, including more murder, to prevent it. However as long as this is permitted, Britain will continue or enable, brutal piracy, with or without its NATO allies, all over the globe, with the plundering and pillage, it first started, eight hundred years ago, in it's neighbour's house of Ireland. You and I are aware, responsible, for allowing this to continue, unchallenged, bequeathing the same legacy, to our children, as sure as night follows day. So, are we going to resolve this intelligently, in a civilised way, my Irish, English, Jewish, Muslim, 'cousin,' or are we going to continue our denial, of our crimes against humanity, such as Bloody Sunday?





We Tell Stories.

Analysis

Troubled Tunes: The Musical Legacy of Bloody Sunday
by Renounce/Reverb on Feb 4, 2012 • 14:43


This week marked the 40th Anniversary of Bloody Sunday, also known as the Bogside Massacre, immortalized by Irish rockers U2. Renounce Reverb’s Will Kennedy looks back and ahead at the musical legacy of that grim 30 January 1972.




Music critic Neil McCormick has a confession about Sunday Bloody Sunday, the song that rocketed his friends from U2 out of regional celebrity toward international stardom. ‘As a private listener, I don’t think I’d ever play it,’ he says. ‘I was troubled by it as far back as when it first came out.’

That was 1983, not long after McCormick and the band members bid farewell to the school they attended together in the Republic of Ireland’s largely peaceful Dublin—more than a decade after British soldiers killed 14 men in the streets of Derry / London Derry, and 15 years before Tony Blair launched The Saville Inquiry, a second investigation into Bloody Sunday.

For the record McCormick, who now works for the Telegraph, likes the band. He ghostwrote the best-selling autobiography U2 by U2. His memoir of failed musical ambition became the movie Killing Bono. A Google image search pulls up pictures of Bono kissing him on the cheek.

McCormick’s personal reservations about Sunday Bloody Sunday are complex. ‘It’s a rabble rousing song, and there are moments when I have responded to it very viscerally,’ he says. ‘But I also find it heavy-handed. Bono is trying to tread a difficult line in those lyrics—he does a remarkable job, but it doesn’t have the subtlety of human spirit that I look for in the greatest of lyrical songs.’


Bono is trying to tread a difficult line in those lyrics.

Amidst the opening verse’s lyrics of metaphorical heart trenches and literal tears, Bono asks ‘How long must we sing this song? Four decades after Bloody Sunday, the martial drums and imploring vocals remain a staple of the U2’s live shows and something of worldwide anthem.

But to what purpose? What’s the legacy, musical and otherwise, of Bloody Sunday in 2012?

It’s Sunday, 29 January in west London’s historically Irish neighborhood of Kilburn. Unlike the clear Derry day almost exactly 40-years ago, the sky is a blanket grey.

Once upon a time, thousands marched for the funeral of IRA hunger striker Michael Guaghan, while pub collections for armed resistance in Northern Ireland were an open secret. “Now those people are long gone,” says Kilburn resident and history teacher Paul Vickery. “And so are most of the Irish pubs.”

A few remain on Kilburn High Street, and inside the Kingdom, a crowd is gathering. Framed photos of Irish footballers and a stuffed leprechaun hint at the pub’s origins, but the customers provide hard evidence.

Jerry Monteith, 61, is visiting from Tyrone, a town smack in the center of Northern Ireland.

He’s drinking Hennessey, and like the majority of patrons, hasn’t had Bloody Sunday’s imminent anniversary on his mind.

‘I remember the day it happened,’ he said. ‘As far as I can tell, people just want to move on.’

Most everyone sits and drinks in anticipation of Gaelic football, with little to say and less thought given to the event. One young man differs. John Carran, 19, came to London from Southern Ireland in search of work, but with qualms. Anyone who hears ‘Bloody Sunday’ and doesn’t think ‘dirty English,’ he says, ‘doesn’t know their history.‘

When performing the song live, U2 attempts to prevent this kind of tension. On U2VEVO’s youtube channel, Bono, as he regularly does, opens the ballad by telling the crowd, ‘This is not a rebel song. This isSunday Bloody Sunday.’

(You don’t have to scan the comment section long to find disregard for that statement. A recent remark reads: ‘RIP ENGLISH BASTARDS… IRELAND IS FREE THAT IS MOST IMPORTANT.’)

Some of the band’s imitators toe an even more neutral line. ‘When we go out and do a U2 show, it is purely done on a very superficial level if you like,’ says Peter Akid, of the Manchester-based tribute band Achtung Baby. ‘Politically we don’t have any view.’

Akid says Sunday Bloody Sunday always fires up the crowd, but doesn’t always make the set.

‘We did a show in Northern Ireland and were told not to play it,’ he says. ‘You’ve got to be quite careful where you play those kind of songs because there’s still some quite hardcore people.’

Not everyone shied away from antagonistic Bloody Sunday performances. Another pop legend with Irish roots, John Lennon, recorded a song called Sunday Bloody Sunday in 1972.

Yoko Ono’s chorus accompanied the lyrics, “You anglo pigs and Scotties, sent to colonize the north, you wave your bloody Union Jacks, and you know what it’s worth!”

The track has limited appeal. ‘I think it’s pretty terrible and only beaten in terribleness by Paul McCartney’s Give Ireland back to the Irish,’ McCormick says of the song.

‘I can’t say it made any impact on our lives, and I was a John Lennon fan. Really, you’ve got to be careful wading into political issues where you don’t have any subtle understanding of the situation.’

As an Irish band playing in England, U2—despite hailing from Southern Ireland and largely coming from mixed or non-Irish families—was expected to sing about Northern Ireland’s troubles.

‘When they first recorded Sunday Bloody Sunday there was a lot of controversy in Southern Ireland about the very idea that a rock band of West Brits, (as Dubliners were sometimes called), that had previously been talking about ‘masters of the spirit’ and teenagedom, would even have the temerity to comment on Northern Ireland,’ McCormick says.

In the end, he adds, ‘I think it was brave and bold and necessary for U2 to tackle that rather thorny problem.’


It was brave and bold and necessary for U2 to tackle that rather thorny problem.

From Black Sabbath, to Swedish Folk to Celtic Metal, plenty have taken a musical crack at that problem from a range of perspectives.

In 2010 the band T with the Maggies crafted one of the latest attempts, Domnach na Fola (‘Bloody Sunday’ in Gaelic). On the heals of the Saville Inquiry concluding British soldiers had fired unjustly on unarmed protestors, the group diverged from the Irish folk tradition of aggressive rebel songs.

‘I wrote the lyrics on the morning in June, after reading the apology from David Cameron to the Irish people in the newspapers,’ singer Mairéad Ní Mhaonaigh said.

‘[It] gave me and those of us who had stayed silent on the troubles or on any Northern politics for years, a voice, to mourn those who were wrongfully murdered on that day. In a way it’s a lament in honour of all those atrocities against humanity that went on.’

The song’s final verse: ‘What sorrow, What sorrow, against human rights, what sorrow.’

40 years on, Bloody Sunday’s legacy remains fraught and its music attests to feelings of loss and anger, division and reconciliation. Today Ireland and England are more peaceful places, but there are likely more songs to be sung. No British soldier has been prosecuted for the deaths, and some of the deads’ families continue to call for them.

Monday, 26 January 2015

BLOODY SUNDAY DIRTY BRITISH WAR IRELAND





Britain's dirty war in Ireland, is still conducted by it's military and secret police, despite a pseudo peace process, against revolutionary insurgents and the civilian population. They use kidnapping, torture and murder. Their victims include, lawyers, journalists, socialists, political activists, politicians, civilians and their own paramilitary police. Responsibility for these atrocities lies with the British cabinet and 'untouchable' senior military, both past and present. General Sir Mike Jackson, former Chief of Staff and former commander of the Parachute Regiment, has already admitted, the existence of MRF, with Brigadier Gordon Kerr in charge of the Force Research Unit (FRU), it's military advisers Colonel David Stirling and dirty tricks specialist, General Frank Kitson

The Ministry of Defence, the Prime Minister of Occupied Ireland and Britain's Defence secretary signed off on MRF's murders of innocent unarmed civilians, on the understanding, that nothing would be officially revealed. The MRF was later officially revealed in Parliament in March 1994 while documents of British crimes against humanity, were destroyed. The MRF engaged in terror tactics against the nationalist community, with random drive-by shootings of innocent unarmed civilians, in order to inflame sectarianism in Ireland. The unit along with British state collusion, used old tactics, taught by British Advisors to the Egyptian Army and others, to protect British economic interests in the MIddle-East.

Britain 
orchestrated a campaign of state terrorism in Ireland, in events such as Bloody Sunday, the Ballymurphy Massacre, loyalist collusion gangs, assassination of lawyers and journalists, with state terrorism, torture, with its unofficial army of mercenaries, in widespread operations of British state collusion with terrorism. There was endemic, systematic, collusion between British Army regiments and loyalist paramilitaries, with a fifth of the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment membership, attached to loyalist paramilitaries, with the full knowledge of the British Army, resulting in more than 120 random, savage, sectarian murders, in just one locality, known as the murder triangle alone, following Bloody Sunday. These attacks, also extended to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, by the Royal Ulster Constabulary(police) and the British Army's, Ulster Defence Regiment.

Britain, still institutionalises misery and injustice, with token reforms as a sop to British Sinn Fein, in a pseudo peace process, used as window dressing, to hide the ugly reality of everyday life of fear, in British Occupied Ireland. The British destroyed many lives and families, while dividing Irish communities, in its test laboratory, for counter-insurgency, repression and surveillance, which are applied today by its ‘counter-terrorism’ advisors, worldwide. British colleges, now train old colonies, in their dark art, of destroying democratic opposition, as they share, their old Imperial experience, with covert US special forces, supporting proxy warlords and astroturf political parties, such as British Sinn Fein and other astroturf, political, entities, worldwide. 
Below is just a brief synopsis by Wiki, of how it started, around the time of Bloody Sunday. Again, it is but the tip of the iceberg. 

BRITAIN SHOULD STAND TRIAL FOR BLOODY SUNDAY, BEFORE THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT AND ALSO FOR THEIR CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY WORLDWIDE.


Military Reaction Force


The Military Reaction Force was a covert British Army unit, or group of units, set up io Occupied Ireland in 1971. Its MRF acronym has given rise to a variety of explanations over the years. It was created by Frank Kitson in 1971 under the control of his 39 Infantry Brigade. The Four Square Laundry and Glen Road shooting incidents probably contributed to the decision to reorganise it in 1972 as the Special Reconnaissance Unit under the direct control of HQ Northern Ireland.


Creation

Mark Urban quotes Lord Carver as stating: "For some time various surveillance operations by soldiers in plain clothes had been in train, initiated by Frank Kitson when he commanded the the [39] Brigade in Belfast, some of them exploiting ex-members or supporters of the IRA."On his appointment in 1970 to command 39 Brigade in Belfast, Kitson had received the approval of his superiors to set up the MRF. He recruited 'turned' IRA members , nicknamed the 'Freds', who were sent to live in a British Army married quarters at Palace Barracks in Holywood, east Belfast. The undercover unit started out as a handful of soldiers under the command of a captain who operated only in Brigadier Kitson's area of responsibility and were known by the nick name of the 'Bomb Squad'. The name Mobile Reconnaissance Force was only given several weeks after the soldiers had begun to operate.
John Black allegations

A convicted loyalist using the pseudonym 'John Black' has claimed that the MRF was involved in the bombing of McGurk's bar on 4 December 1971, which killed 15 people
Seamus Wright

In the summer of 1972, the IRA discovered that one of its members, Seamus Wright, was working for the MRF:Under interrogation by Second Battalion staff, Wright admitted that all the time he had actually been in the company of a special military unit based at Palace barracks in Holyrood, Co. Down, where IRA suspects were taken for investigation before being interned. The unit was known by the initials MRF, which the IRA believed stood for Military Reconnaissance Force, a group subsequently alleged to have been involved in two drive-by shootings in the summer of 1972 that were blamed at the time on loyalist gangs. Wright admitted he had agreed to work for the MRF.

Wright was allowed to return to Holyrood to glean more information:The IRA learned that the MRF operation was under the auspices of 39 Infantry Brigade and had been devised by Frank Kitson, who had left the province in April after having shaped the structure of the new force. The MRF was composed of several elements. The first was a group of regular soldiers who were divided into four-man units comprising a junior officer, a sergeant and two privates. They operated in plain clothes and drove civilian cars. The section to which Wright was attached was known as the 'Freds' and was composed of members of Republican and Loyalist paramilitary organisations who had been 'turned' by Special Branch and Army intelligence.

Wright went on to implicate another IRA member Kevin McKee who gave the IRA further details about MRF operations.
Four Square Laundry

McKee told the IRA that the MRF was operating the Four Square mobile laundry service in West Belfast to gather intelligence through surveillance and forensic testing on clothes.

On 2 October 1972, the IRA attacked the Four Square laundry van on the Twinbrook estate, killing the driver, 21-year-old Sapper Ted Stuart. His colleague Lance Corporal Sarah Jane Warke of the Royal Military Policeescaped.

At the same time, other IRA units attacked two offices linked to the MRF: one above a massage parlour at 397 Antrim Road, and the other at College Square East, but succeeded only in wounding a bystander.According to Martin Dillon, the IRA did not realise that the massage parlour was itself an MRF intelligence-gathering operation.

The IRA subsequently stated:"The Republican movement has been aware for a number of months of a Special British Army Intelligence Unit, code-named MRF. This unit, comprising picked men, has been operating under the guise of civilians. The unit was run by a Captain McGregor who used flats and offices in Belfast and ran a laundry service."

Wright and McKee were subsequently killed and secretly buried by the IRA.
Glen Road shooting

On the morning of 22 June 1972 shots were fired from a civilian car on the Glen Road, wounding two men on the street, and a third, Thomas Gerard Shaw, in the bedroom of a nearby house.

A year later, on 23 June 1973, the Belfast Telegraph reported the trial of 26-year-old Sergeant Clive Graham Williams, with Brian Hutton prosecuting.On the second day of the trial Sergeant Clive Graham Williams walked into the the witness box and identified himself as the commander of a unit of theMilitary Reaction Forceattached to 39 Infantry Brigade. (Note his use of the word 'Reaction' rather than 'Reconnaissance' as in the official title given to the unit by the media, the Provos, the two double agents and Army statements released after the Four-Square attacks. Was the designation 'Military Reaction Force' an error on the part of Williams, or was it the Army's term for this elite grouping, or was it a term which defined a role for one of the sections within the Military Reconnaissance Force?

Williams was found not guilty by an 11 to 1 majority verdict. Charges had previously been dropped against Captain James McGregor who had been in the car with him, and who had previously been named to the IRA as a leading MRF member by Wright and McKee.
Other plain clothes shooting incidents

Martin Dillon cites a number of other incidents in Belfast in 1972 that may have been linked to the MRF:
- The killing of Patrick McVeigh in Andersonstown by plain-clothes soldiers on 13 May 1972.
- The shooting of Jerry and John Conway by plain-clothes soldiers on the Springhill estate several weeks earlier.
- A shooting incident involving a plain-clothes army patrol on the Shankill in May 1972.
- The killing of nineteen-year-oldDaniel Rooney and wounding of 18-year-old Brendan Brennan by a plain-clothes army patrol in the St James district on 27 September 1972. Lieutenant-Colonel Robin Evelegh of the Royal Green Jackets subsequently produced a car with bullet holes that he claimed Rooney and Brennan had fired on. A statement asserting Rooney's innocence was read at local Catholic churches on 1 October.
RUC relations

Martin Dillon has suggested that RUCdetective work played a significant role in exposing the MRF's activities.A Special Branch officer told me that their 'fingerprints were not on that period.' They all agreed that the MRF's operations were amateurish and not tightly controlled.


Wilson Briefing

The history of the MRF was outlined in a briefing submitted to Prime Minister Harold Wilson ahead of a meeting with Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave on 5 April 1974.“Plain-clothes teams, initially joint RUC/army patrols, have operated in Occupied Ireland since the IRA bombing campaign in Easter 1971.“Later in 1971 the teams were reformed and expanded as Military Reaction Forces (MRFs) without RUC participation.“In 1972 the operations of the MRF were brought under more centralised control and a higher standard of training achieved by establishing a Special Reconnaissance Unit(SRU) of 130 with all ranks under direct command of HQNI.

Robin Ramsay commented:For those two lines read, 'After the MRF were exposed as driving around shooting at alleged members of the IRA, we had to get some kind of grip on the situation and broke up MRF.'This is the first officialexplanation of what the initials MRF stood for that I have seen.
SAS assessment

Ramsay's conclusion is supported by the account of former SAS soldier Ken Connor, who states that he was part of a three man team sent to assess the MRF , which he refers to as the Military Reconnaissance Force, in the wake of the Four Square Laundry episode.It soon became apparent that its cover was blown and the group of people running it were so out of control that it had to be disbanded at once.Without reference to each other, we all produced the same recommendation: it's been a useful tool, but it's well past it's sell-by date. Get rid of it, acquire the needed skills, then reform it in a different guise.The result was 14 Int - the Fourteenth Intelligence Company.

In this instance, 14 Intelligence Company would seem to be a cover name for the Special Reconnaissance Unit.
People
Captain James McGregor
Sergeant Clive Graham Williams
Lance-Corporal Sarah Jane Warke
Sapper Ted Stuart
Alleged 'Freds'
Seamus Wright
Kevin McKee
Louis Hammond
See Also
File:Countergangs1971-76.pdf - Counter-Gangs: A history of undercover military units in Northern Ireland 1971 - 1976

Sunday, 25 January 2015

BRITISH MASSACRES IN IRELAND FOR ICC PROSECUTION






Aside from the massacres in Derry and Belfast, the same British parachute regiment, used school children in the Newry area, for target practice and shot two 12 years olds dead, one a schoolgirl was shot in the back on her way  to church. These shootings by the British Paratroopers, were common across the north of Ireland. The British Government used this Regiment, for the sole purpose of British state terrorism in Ireland, to terrorize the native population into submission, to surrender their Civil Rights. Coupled with indiscriminate murder of civilians by pseudo gangs, under the cover of flags of convenience of loyalist paramilitaries. They then justified their presence in Ireland, in the sectarian mayhem they created. This has always been a part of their strategy worldwide and only the International Criminal Court, has the power to bring it to an end. Bringing Britain before the ICC, is bigger than just it's war crimes in Ireland. Britain is currently outsourcing its state terror and torture worldwide. There is considerable evidence to support this, stretching from Libya, all across the middle-east and beyond.  It is an international issue and must be undertaken at the ICC, to prevent further crimes against humanity.

http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2015/jan/22/cooperation-british-spies-gaddafi-libya-revealed-official-papers

----------------------

Were Bloody Sunday soldiers involved in 'Ballymurphy massacre'?
In the wake of the Saville report, relatives of 11 people killed in Belfast by the army in 1971 are now calling for an inquiry into their deaths


Henry McDonald,

Protesters carry a coffin in west Belfast commemorating the 1971 'Ballymurphy massacre'. Photograph: Paul Faith/PA


It has been called west Belfast's Bloody Sunday. Over 36 hours between 9 and 11 August 1971 – six months before British paratroopers were deployed to Derry with tragic consequences – the Parachute Regiment shot dead 11 civilians in the west Belfast housing estate of Ballymurphy. Those who were fatally wounded included the local priest and a 45-year-old mother.

Now, in the wake of the publication last week of the Saville report on Bloody Sunday, the relatives of those killed 39 years ago in Belfast have called for an international investigation to determine whether the same soldiers were involved in the "Ballymurphy massacre".

John Teggart's father, Daniel, was shot 14 times while fleeing an area close to a joint army-police station on the Springfield Road during the violence. Teggart said his father had been visiting his sister's house when the shooting started. An inquest later found that most of the bullets entered Daniel Teggart's back while he was lying on the ground after being wounded, his son said.

"This was a massacre on the same scale as Bloody Sunday, although it was forgotten," said John Teggart.

The shootings occurred during a mass arrest operation in the period of internment, when security forces detained hundreds of nationalists across Northern Ireland without trial. Teggart, however, stressed that there has been no evidence that any of the 11 who fell were armed or carrying explosives. "The paras just went berserk," he contended.

Teggart said the families of those killed now want an independent international inquiry to establish if any of the same soldiers involved in Bloody Sunday fired fatal shots in Ballymurphy.

"We have been able to establish that among the 500 paratroopers deployed from 8 August, 1 Para – the same unit sent into the Bogside in Derry – was on our streets. It was the same type of operation as the one in Derry on Bloody Sunday. The paras went in hard, they fired incoherently, they shot people lying on the ground. We need an inquiry to establish if those doing the shooting in Ballymurphy were the same ones who opened fire six months later in Derry."

The parallels between what happened in Ballymurphy and in Derry are uncanny, Teggart said. The death of the local parish priest, Fr Hugh Mullan, recalls the way another priest, the future Catholic Bishop of Derry, Fr Edward Daly, tried to help the wounded on Bloody Sunday.

"The world saw the television pictures of Fr Daly waving a white handkerchief towards the paras in Derry as he tried to save a wounded man being carried through the streets," said Teggart. "Fr Mullan had telephoned the army base to tell them he was going out to help those wounded in Ballymurphy. He came out waving a piece of cloth, walking towards a field where one of the men shot by the paras lay dying. Fr Mullan was shot as he tried to help a local man and he fell down as he prayed over that man's body."

Teggart said the evidence the campaign group have gathered undermines one of Lord Saville's key conclusions regarding top military officers. The Bloody Sunday report said it could "not criticise General Ford for deciding to deploy soldiers to arrest rioters..." Saville also concluded that General Ford "neither knew nor had reason to know at any stage that his decision would or was likely to result in soldiers firing unjustifiably on that day."

But the Ballymurphy massacre campaign group said that what happened six months earlier was a clear warning that the paratroopers should not have been deployed against unarmed civilians.

Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams, who is the local MP, has called for an "international, reputable, neutral and dependable agency" to be brought in to investigate the massacre. SDLP leader and South Down MP Margaret Ritchie last week asked David Cameron to launch an inquiry. The families are expected to meet Northern Ireland secretary Owen Paterson over the next few weeks.

For John Teggart, watching the Derry families celebrate the declarations that their loved ones were innocent stirred mixed emotions.

"We were all delighted for the people of Derry. But it made me think that if the authorities had carried out a proper inquiry of what happened in Ballymurphy six months earlier, instead of calling in the military police to investigate, the paras would never have been deployed in Derry and all those people up there would not have lost their lives."

Saturday, 24 January 2015

JE SUIS BLOODY SUNDAY Put Britain to ICC




Irish Blog has already attempted, to organize a Petition to bring Britain, before the International Criminal Court in the Hague, in the same way that the Palestinian Authority has taken Israel to the ICC. The Petition has been censored, as is Irish Blog, to a considerable extent, with intranets including Facebook, by British agents in Ireland.The Petition requires the same commitment, persistence and resistance to British interference in Ireland, as has the struggle of the last 45 years. 

People with a proven track record of integrity, such as Bernadette, Marian, Eamon, Martin, Francie, Kate and others, some of whom are not permitted by the British, to leave their own neighbourhoods, might consider organizing this initially, by a conference call, with technical help. As respected elders, with considerable experience, they could guide the mobilization of the Petition worldwide, for the sake of Unity, to overcome British elements, which will seek to divide and distract the organization of this petition throughout Ireland. I propose this, as a totally peaceful, civilized, alternative step, on the path to Irish liberation.

A successful Petition to bring Britain before the ICC for crimes against humanity in Ireland, can only be organized and mobilized effectively by a genuine party of the Irish people on the ground in Ireland, with a proven track record of integrity. I am calling on people of integrity in Ireland, to form a group along the lines of the 
H-BLOCK/ARMAGH COMMITTEE, to Petition, for Britain to be taken before the International Criminal Court in the Hague, for all it's war crimes, including genocide in Ireland, in the same manner as the Palestinian Authority is currently doing. Because of censorship, Irish Blog respectfully requests, that this proposal, is brought to the attention of those elders mentioned, for consideration by you, if you are acquainted with them. I believe this proposal, needs to transcend party politics, in order to be successful.

Bloody Sunday: Put Britain in the dock
I witnessed the events of Bloody Sunday and its violent legacy. The British government, not soldiers, should be held to account





Bernadette Devlin McAliskey

The outcome of the Saville inquiry has been published. A second British prime minister has apologised for the killing of unarmed and innocent protesters. This time the British government acknowledged the actions of members of the British army were unjustified and unjustifiable.

Prosecutions of individual foot soldiers are unlikely. Their own testimony cannot be used, and almost 40 years after the event, prosecution will raise a whole new series of concerns and debate about human rights violations oppressive litigation, and the application of the terms of the peace agreements. A respected human rights lawyer has already offered their services in prosecuting the real culprit, the British state. But Lord Saville has exonerated the state.

I was on the speaker's platform on Bloody Sunday. Despite burying the images in some deep mental archive, Bloody Sunday refuses to fade or mellow in my consciousness. Initially, disbelief gave way to fear, horror, anger, and then detachment. Finally, I was angry only with myself.

My political analysis had until then discounted any real belief – despite the long history of Anglo-Irish conflict – that the British government would countenance killing the people in order to suppress the protests. Now that it had happened, it made sense to me that it had always been going to happen and would continue; it was fundamental to the nature of the British state in Ireland. I felt I should have known that, and now I did, I was still up for the fight.

The key impact of Bloody Sunday was that a whole generation made a similar analysis and this fuelled some 25 years of violent political conflict, at least tolerated by the majority of the "minority population" and actively pursued by a significant but sustainable minority. It is responsibility for this legacy that sets Bloody Sunday apart from subsequent atrocities on all sides.

As a member of parliament at the time, I was denied the right to give parliament an eyewitness account. The home secretary,Reginald Maudling, lied to the House and the media willingly collaborated in uncritically repeating the government misrepresentation. In what was considered gross overreaction and disgracefully violent behaviour, I crossed the floor of the House and hit him.

I did not call for a public inquiry, did not welcome the Saville inquiry and only testified to respect the wishes of the bereaved families. I regret none of those things, but challenge the view that it was an expensive waste of time, energy and money. Had Bloody Sunday been no more than a violent and disgraceful overreaction or unlawful behaviour on the part of a few "squaddies" or overzealous commanders, it would not have required the British government and its military to create the complicated labyrinth of lies and deceit which has taken hundreds of testimonies, thousands of pages, millions of pounds and 38 years to unravel.

The Bloody Sunday Trust and the bereaved families have shown great stamina and courage in their quest for disclosure and truth. Respectfully, however, Bloody Sunday isn't just about the families or how the 13 individuals lost their lives that day; the 14th dying later of his wounds. It is about whether the British government committed a war crime in 1972 and in so doing started a war. It is the British government, not their anonymous and brutalised soldiers of their alphabet army who should be in the dock, at the international court of justice at The Hague. If Saville has closed that route to truth and justice, the British government will consider it worth every penny.

Had the British state been speedily held to account at The Hague, things might have been different for a lot of people, not least for nine Turkish human rights activists on their way to Gaza. They might not have been so confidently slaughtered by the state of Israel.

Friday, 23 January 2015

UNCOVERING BLOODY BRITISH GENOCIDE




Britain's sells a benign approach to foreign policy, which is contradicted by the reality on the ground, wherever it invades. Bloody Sunday in Derry, is only the tip of the iceberg, which evolved into British collusion with loyalist paramilitaries groups in Occupied Ireland, who  indiscriminately assassinated Catholics. This is well documented by Anne Calder's book Lethal Allies. This was further demonstrated, by the way the British Government doctored intelligence on weapons of mass destruction, misleading the House of Commoners, the whole country and indeed the world, of a non-existent threat, posed by Saddam Hussein, which is now being sexed down, in the delayed Chilcott Inquiry.
Britain's foreign policy, is essentially sugar coated deception and malevolence, under the cloak of non-existent democracy, peace, human rights which are their legacy, as Britain now supports terrorism, while violating international law and refusing to be a member of the International Criminal Court, where it would be obliged, to comply with international standards. Ireland being it's first colony, has been a primary training ground for genocide, war crimes and torture, as the European Court, found in the case of the hooded men. Footage of Bloody Sunday, is a more explicit example, of it's normally secret, war crimes
The British government have made this deceptive process an art form, cloaking the reality of their government policy, in propaganda and failing this, sanitizing their atrocities, in Inquiries like the Saville and Chilcott Inquiries. They have taught their proteges in Ireland this art too, to serve the interests of City of London, the Capital of International piracy. Contempt for International law continues, in their neo-colonial era of their Commonwealth, with non-compliance to these international standards of law, there as well. By creating regime change and mentoring compliant juntas, with their terrorist and pseudo-democratic narrative, perfected in Ireland, they install non-democratic regimes, as  they continue their tradition of piracy, for City of London interests, under a thin veneer of civilization, while the reality is brutal and criminally exploitive. 
Of course none of this would be possible, without cultivating a bureaucracy of Britsh 'educated' prejudice, hypocrisy, privilege and elitism, that rationalizes the documented, substantiated, hard evidence of  former secret government files, in places like Occupied Ireland, Kosovo, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Yemen, Kenya, Malaya and Oman. Their deception of genocide, war crimes and torture is there, for any objective researcher to see, as a result of painstaking research, analysis and declassified documents, in graphic detail, that is truly a shocking exposé of British genocide, war crimes and double-standards, that would make even Hitler turn in his grave. The current sick Chilcott joke on Iraq, remains, that he only has to look at the receipts of what the British Government sold Saddam, to know the precise truth, but then that's not the real purpose of British Inquiries, as we all know in Ireland. It's about the eternal deceit narrative of British international piracy, plunder and pillage, slaughtering in excess of the ten million, that already got in their way.
The World is systematically misinformed, about the real role of the UK in the world, with media, such as the BBC world service and mainstream corporate media, coupled with an old diplomatic service worldwide, of it's former overt empire, to ensure, the use of the terms like "genocide"or war crimes are not used, so that bodies like the UN, will not act, on matters such as the Irish Holocaust. Britain's slaughter of tens of millions of people worldwide, is buried, across the entire mainstream political discourse. Anyone who wishes to understand the reality of Britain's foreign policies, cannot rely on the mainstream media. The challenge of any objective historian or truth seeker, is to reconstruct real-life British history, from the self-serving web of British lies and deceit. This article is a call to those who wish to bring Imperial power to account and international standards of law. Britain needs to be brought to book at the International Criminal Court, in order to comply with civilized global standards, so that these crimes against humanity are halted, once and for all. Their latest terrorist narrative, requires freedom activists worldwide, to learn how to use our latest technology intelligently, to overcome censorship and disinformation, so that these crimes against humanity, are exposed to everyone.