Saturday, 8 November 2014



I'm a born and bred Orange Order man and I never knew anything about sex, other than what I learned from my wife and from a goat at my Orange Order initiation ceremony. Because I was under performing in bed, according to my wife, We joined a local swingers club, after my wife told me the type of admirers that she wanted and what my role was to be, after first watching, to learn what she required, and when she wanted my assistance. I was to strictly follow her orders, not Orange Orders. Later the club told us that a young gentleman was coming round and this is what subsequently happened.

After the doorbell rang my wife ordered me to answer it and standing there bold as brass, was another decent looking Freemason named Willy. My wife came over and gave us both the secret sign, taking him straight up to bedroom. She again ordered me to go downstairs, to sort out the drinks. When I returned to the bedroom, they were on the bed getting very intimate. My wife told me that Willy was going to show me how to please a woman.

I didn’t know what she meant exactly, but I knew by the wink of her eye, she was going to involve me in one way or another. Well they started off, kissing passionately from the word go and ignoring me completely. Whilst I was jealous to see my wife with another man, even if he was a brother from the Orange Order, I have to admit however, that it was also exciting for me and I was getting harder watching both of them but for some strange reason my eyes seemed to focus principally on Willy. 

Anyway she again barked at me, to come over to them on the bed and told to pull her skirt down, which showed her orange panties, which were already soaked, with Willy then pulling her panties down and like a snake, used his fingers istigh, agus nuair a tabhair siad amach iad, my wife ordered mo bheal ag ol an biach. I followed her orders precisely. I started to lick, while Willy was behind me and I was so horribly humiliated, when he too ordered me, to make sure my wife was nice and biach for him, as she slammed my head deep within, while grinding me down between her thighs.

Willy then stood and removed his briefs and I have to admit, that he looked lovely with a nice tight posterior, while he was already hard and well endowed,with it being around 12” long. Now, I understood, why my greedy wife chose him. So there he was cocky and naked as any orangeman you ever saw prancing down the Ardoyne on the 12th, when my beloved wife, started licking his chest, nibbling his nipples, and at the same time, biting them now and then, as I sat on the edge of the bed, watching him while my wife proceeded to slam him onto the bed and lowered herself ever so slowly onto his "bod" and then started to jockey up and down, ferociously on top of him, moaning and groaning, each time she rammed onto him, while at the same time, screaming that this was the best Willy she’d ever had istigh. My wife also at the same time, started cursing and swearing at him in the most foul manner imaginable, calling him a massive dirty orange barsturd, a filthy flegger, a goatshagger, etc.,etc., while at the same time, being very hard on the poor brother, screaming and climaxing with “ marcaíoch dom níos deacra, tiocfaidh taobh istigh orm ”. 

She was, "ag marcaíochta" for an hour plus, when Willy finally exhausted, came up gasping for air, when she then lay back on the bed and looking at me, said "Peadair," (that's her secret, pet name for me in Irish, please don't mention that to anyone, or it will ruin me). "Peadair," she said "tabhair dom do bheal and glanaidh me." She was dripping wet, as if she had just installed an Irish Water meter, and I never did this sort of thing before, but I also knew, if I didn’t carry out her orders, that I wouldn't see Willy again and I was starting to rather fancy him. I also knew, that she would never allow me to have sex with her again. Anyway because of my reluctance, she screamed and barked at me again, to wind in my stubborn neck and grabbed me by hair, lowering my head deep into her very wet harbour.

Because of draconian censorship in both parts of Ireland, I cannot write further about what happened next, or what happened between Willy and me. The rest of this story is censored, on strict God fearing Orange Orders, while the Roman church has also categorized it, as pure filth, while some fascist dissidents have also censored it. So ye will have to wait until Ireland is liberated, for the rest of it. Below are the events that instigated it.

Mayor Andrew Muir cutting a Sesame Street Bert and Ernie 'Support Gay Marriage' cake - Belfast Telegraph

It's the celebration cake that has made international headlines.

Peter Robinson the First Minister of British Occupied Ireland  has described the controversy "bonkers" over the sponge cake at the centre of a holy row of religious conscience versus statutory rights of Christians and of gay people.

The family business refused to make the cake, when they learned it was in support of gay marriage and it has been been taken court by the Equality Commission. The commission has made good on its threat, to take legal action against the Belfast bakery, unless it acknowledges there had been a breach in equality law and offer restitution.

Peter Robinson said last night: "This kind of decision from the Equality Commission is bonkers. They really do need to wind their necks in. In times when we are scrapping around trying to get funding for essential services for Northern Ireland, they are tossing it away."

Court papers are served on the owners of Ashers Bakery Company Ltd. despite the outcry from Christians and faith-based groups over the news of impending legal action.

"We just can't believe that they're serious about this, that they're going to spend money taking us to court because we didn't make a cake," Daniel McArthur of Ashers said.

"The general consensus is shock that the Equality Commission is pushing ahead with legal proceedings. People are surprised that despite us being a small family business and making our principles clear that they are still commencing court proceedings."

Friday, 7 November 2014


An amalgamator for the British commoner, as a token of thanks, on how their hard earned taxes are spent, subsidizing British Occupied Ireland, to the tune of 10 Billion Pounds Sterling, annually.



This may be the last time we get the sustained attention of the British, Irish and - to some extent - American governments. We should make the most of it. There won't be a better moment to do business with the three of them.

Before looking at the future we need a view of the present and to decide how we want things to change. We need to know what sort of place this is, what our choices are and what sort of future we want as a society.

Do we want British Occupied Ireland to be a place divided into two main local communities who are educated separately and tend to live separately too? Or do we want a more shared society where we may have to accept cultural symbols, like Orange or nationalist regalia, which we don't feel entirely comfortable with.

Do we want a society where we put resources into shared cultural experiences like Belfast's Culture night? Or are we a society which places a higher priority on translating turgid departmental papers, which nobody may ever read, into Irish and Ulster-Scots, or providing rates relief to Orange halls rather than funding flagship cultural products like the Ulster Orchestra, the cross-community Mela festival hosted by the Indian community and Culture Night in Belfast.

Are we going to be about commemorating and treasuring past division and suffering or will we wear all that a little more lightly as we move forward into a global future?

Do we prefer spending millions policing protests or getting to the bottom of communal disagreements and sorting them out.

It's usual to hear British Ocupied Ireland's problems explained in terms of historic division, the legacy of conflict which makes us a place apart. In a sense, though, these divisions and tragedies are just the local colour. Everywhere has things like that, a special layer of difficulty laid on top of the normal struggles that face people everywhere as they attempt to get by and get ahead.

A Treasury consultation document in 2011 summed up the situation: "Northern Ireland is one of the UK's most disadvantaged regions on many measures. It has the lowest wages and one of the lowest labour productivity rates. It has a weak private sector, with strong dependence on the public sector. These weaknesses reflect a number of unique factors, not least the legacy of 30 years of conflict, the demographic structure and the peripheral location of Northern Ireland, as well as issues surrounding deprivation and rurality."

There you have it: we are a backward region with a weak economy. The best paid, and skilled, part of it is the public sector. As last year's Peace Monitoring Report, published by the Community Relations Council, points out "its dependence on the low pay/low skills equilibrium and its highest rate of economic inactivity mean that it has never been able to generate sufficient income to cover its expenditure".

Put in plain terms, November 2012 figures show us spending £23.2bn while taking in only £12.7bn in taxes. The balance, £10.5bn that year, is our subvention from London. That is nearly as much as it cost to stage the Olympics and the British are looking for a way to reduce the outflow.

Next year we face a cut of 1.6%. We also have "accumulated pressures" of around £850m and we face a major hit, £114m next year alone, for failing to implement UK-wide welfare reform measures which are intended to slow the level of increase in welfare spending here. Since we have so far refused to make the changes, London sees us as running a more expensive welfare system without having the income to pay for it and they deduct what they consider the overspend to be.

This shouldn't really be happening now. The time to have put it right was in 2007-2008 when devolution was being negotiated with SDLP and UUP as the main parties. The international conditions for devolution were far more favourable then - the Celtic Tiger was still roaring and the world economy was booming. Tony Blair was fully engaged as British Prime Minister and didn't count the cost when it came to bedding down the peace process.

President Clinton was fully committed and, like Blair, spent far more time on British occupied Ireland, Ireland than his successor.

That opportunity was largely missed because a deal could not be made to stick. The IRA played hard ball on decommissioning, leaving David Trimble to die a death of a thousand cuts as his support to lead the Ulster Unionists haemorrhaged away.

Provisional Sinn Fein and the DUP harried the SDLP and UUP, who lacked the resolve to proceed.

Now that things are getting out of control everybody expects British Occupied Ireland to sink back into violence, and with so much ethnic conflict elsewhere it is less of a special case.

People wonder what we are still arguing about after they thought everything was settled.

That is why we are so fortunate to have got the attention of the British, Irish and Americans at this moment of crisis. They even agreed to wrap a discussion of our economic problems into a talks programme on the future of the peace process, flags, parading, and the past.

This gives our politicians a chance to engage directly with the main decision takers and to trade one issue for another to try and get something that we can all live with. We shouldn't overplay our hand - but we do have a hand to play.

The three governments are very reluctant to allow the Northern Ireland peace process to move into danger. It is still the foreign policy success of the Obama Presidency and the present British Government, but it is something which both administrations inherited.

The current crop of British, Irish and American players didn't create the peace process and if they allow it to fall apart on their watch then that will reflect very badly on them. That gives us something to work with; showing a success here is of geopolitical value to Britain and America and they may yet be prepped to make concessions to do so.

Getting the most out of the situation won't be easy, especially in the poisonous atmosphere of distrust which has grown up in Stormont.

To convince the governments that Stormont is worth rescuing our politicians will need to show that they are up to the task of taking decisions. They need to show that they are prepared to put new things on the table and to slaughter sacred cows if necessary.

Above all they need to show they are capable of making compromises and delivering on them.

The record for the two big parties on that hasn't been great.

The DUP promised Provisional Sinn Fein, and the EU for that matter, that a peace centre could be constructed at the Maze, but pulled out at the last moment.

Sinn Fein has thrashed around since then, for instance blocking other projects on the Maze site.

Spats like this, which can fester and become toxic, should be sorted out.

Anything which gives the impression of instability or panic should be avoided. I recently attended a business dinner where a number of investors from outside the province discussed their holdings and their plans here.

The majority opinion was that, compared to other parts of the UK, this was a bad place to invest. These weren't stupid people, they knew the situation on the ground. They didn't think we were going back to war.

But, they pointed out, investment decisions had to be made five, 10 or more years in advance.

British Occupied Ireland scored badly on energy costs, which are amongst the highest in Europe. It is also a problem which we seem reluctant to tackle. Stormont will have to look at issues like fracking, onshore wind and anaerobic digesters to meet the shortfall.

Another factor alarming the group I met was the smash and grab 'Tesco tax' on big out-of-town supermarkets which Sammy Wilson, the then Finance Minister, used to raise £100m in 2011. The fear is that the same sort of "make do and mend" attitudes to filling fiscal black holes kick in again.

Businesses like to be able to plan ahead without being hit by unexpected costs and, if they have a choice, they will prefer to invest in a place where that doesn't happen.

Protests were another worry. Head offices outside British Occupied Ireland did not like roads suddenly being blocked or premises forced to close.

That is the area in which flags, parading and the past intersect most directly with our economic prospects. When people are considering where to invest millions, they do tend to notice little things.

Colin Powell, the former US Secretary of State, put this well. "Capital is a coward. It flees from corruption and bad policies, conflict and unpredictability. It shuns ignorance, disease and illiteracy. Capital goes where it is welcomed and where investors can be confident of a return on the resources they have put at risk. It goes to countries where women can work, children can read, and entrepreneurs can dream."

Our politicians are taking a big gamble on building up the private sector and if it is to succeed it will need high-end foreign investment to boost wage and skill levels here. This is about general image; we need to present ourselves as a reasonable, stable place that doesn't bring every problem over a local parade or a civic flag to meltdown.

We will have to make choices. The past is an issue which not only comes back to haunt us but also threatens to overturn our peace settlement and drain our law and order budget of resources.

Protests like Camp Twaddell, which the Chief Constable estimates costs £40,000 a day to police, need to be tackled and resolved in a way which can allow everyone to save face. Hiving the issue off to a special panel which can report back next year is the easiest way to deal with this problem.

That has been suggested in various forms by the Parades Commission, the Belfast Telegraph, the unionists and the Secretary of State. So far, though, nationalists have rejected the idea.

If they continue to do so they need to come up with something which unionists can live with and which will avoid flare-ups next summer. Street protests can spill into disorder, creating an air of instability and uncertainty which can damage us all.

It will be hard to find a better solution than the panel - it at least removes this toxic issue from the political talks for a while. Another matter of image, as well as money, is whether we present ourselves as united or merely "shared" society." A shared society is like one of the 10 new shared school campuses the Executive is aiming to build across Northern Ireland, starting with Lisanelly in Omagh.

These new bodies will cluster a number of schools, Catholic and Protestant and other, around shared facilities. Each school will retain its identity. It may be an advance but it falls well short of integration and it will carry religiously divided education into another generation of our young people.

The Executive really should be looking at this problem in the round but at the moment it won't - Education is a Sinn Fein department and changing its architecture could strike at the heart of the coalition.

We need to look at breaking down the "silo system" by which ministries are controlled with a good deal of autonomy by the parties who hold them. A first move would be reducing the use of the petition of concern system which allows any 30 MLAs to demand that any measure be put to a cross-community vote. This in turn means that a majority of nationalists and a majority of unionists, voting separately, must back the measure to succeed.

The petition of concern was used 10 times on an Education motion this week. The DUP, which is the only party with 30 MLAs, did it on this occasion. Sinn Fein, which has 29 MLAs, can also raise petitions with the aid of the SDLP.

An agreement to limit the use of these measures to subjects where the rights of one community really is at stake, which would be rare, would a good way to build confidence for more reforms.

While spending on both popular shared culture, like Belfast's Culture Night, and high culture, like the Ulster Orchestra, is being slashed, the Irish language and Ulster-Scots remain protected. "Pey a veesit tae the wabsteid on" if you want to find out more.

The sums aren't huge, but last year we revealed that £2,470 was spent on Ulster-Scots translations at Stormont compared with a total spend on Irish translations in excess of £1m. These translated documents are unlikely to ever be read. Yet they cost useful sums of money which could be used to support contemporary cultural activities. The money could have been used more usefully to promote Irish and Ulster-Scots culture on video or in classes for the young.

Adjusting priorities like that would help get a better attitude amongst the parties and might help restore the faith of the growing number of people who aren't voting. So would reducing the size of Stormont.

Devolution costs us about £48m a year more than direct rule and with 108 MLAs (108 LMFs if you prefer the Ulster Scots) we could afford to downsize.

In Westminster an MP is paid £65,738 and here an MLA gets £43,101, just 65.6% of the Westminster total. However, when you look at how much they are paid per constituent the picture changes - an MP gets 65p for each person he or she represents but an MLA gets £2.64, more than four times as much.

Compared to an MLA's £2.64, an MSP in Scotland is paid only £1.44 per constituent. In Wales an AM gets £53,852 which works out at £1.08 per head in the constituency. The size of the administration comes from the peace negotiations when Tony Blair was more or less prepared to pay any cost to get politicians over the line. That meant creating enough seats and enough ministries to ensure everyone had a job.

David Cameron may not be quite so accommodating this time, but we have got the attention of the governments and they don't want us to fail. That gives us some leverage but not a free run. Over the coming months of negotiation the politicians have got to show that they mean business, that they can deliver on any undertaking they give and that they are capable of compromise.

To get agreement they may need a lot of pushing and shoving from the governments - that is why the governments are here. If they fail to agree, then we may also be looking at the end of devolution and a place that looks more unstable. The governments are also here to manage things then - if the wheels come off the cart that is.

Governance: Flabby Assembly in need of cutting down to size, writes Noel McAdam

Stormont's new draft budget has one area where the proposed spending cut is zero - the Assembly.

The proposals give the baseline cost of our 108 MLAs as £40.7m - and suggest it should stay at that.

Officials have said there is a political convention that the Executive is not permitted to interfere with the finances and organisation of the legislature. In theory, ministers are the servants of the Assembly.

Thus it will be the Assembly Commission, responsible for the day-to-day running of Parliament Buildings, and the Assembly and Executive Review Committee which come forward with proposals on savings to the public purse - though the latter has failed to achieve any consensus so far.

If the on-going multi-party talks reach a deal, however, there are indications the two main parties, DUP and Sinn Fein, could slim the 108-Member Assembly down to 90 - one fewer MLA per constituency.

There has also been speculation the present Government departments could be merged into seven or eight, although how much might be saved is disputed and it is likely to be a project for the Assembly elected in 2016. Even at 90 members, however, British Occupied would remain far ahead of the Welsh Assembly, which has 60 members even though Wales is about twice the size of NI.

Only the SDLP MLAs, and one Ulster Unionist, Michael Copeland, refused the £5,000 a year pay increase last year, although Members lost out on office cost allowances. MPs get 65p for each person they represent while it is £2.64 for an MLA, more than four times as much. In Scotland an MSP gets £1.44 per constituent and in Wales an Assembly Member gets £1.08. Sinn Fein says its representatives are only allowed to take about £21,000 of their salaries, the rest going into party coffers.

Economy: Balance between public and private sectors is off-kilter, writes Margaret Canning

Economic recovery has been painfully slow in British Occupied Ireland and we have a lot of catching up to do to recapture the highs of 2007.

On the plus side, nearly half of the jobs lost during the downturn have now been recouped.

We now have an unemployment rate of 6.1%. That's down 1.2% over the year, and the lowest since 2009.

That rate is likely to go up because there could be as many as 12,000 public sector redundancies to help Stormont balance its books - and with around 27.2% of our workforce in public sector jobs, that will have a massive impact.

It throws into relief the need for Britisj Occupied Ireland to rebalance its economy - the 27% rate of people here in public sector jobs compares to 18% in the UK as a whole.

High public spending by Gordon Brown in the 2000s pushed up public sector employment - and for decades Northern Ireland has been able to play on its status as a land scarred by conflict to avail of indulgence from Westminster.

But no more. Instead, companies here need to be nimble and lean to pick up the slack created by public sector job losses.

But a survey has reported that British Occupied Ireland has the lowest number in the UK of high-growth small businesses that are powering the economic recovery elsewhere.

The recession has had a deeper impact here, but companies are doing their best.

However, surveys next week are expected to show a slowdown in recovery, as wobbles in the eurozone and in GB manufacturing rub off on us.

There's a sense in the business world that political parties in Stormont just aren't helping and the welfare reform logjam and budget delays are making a bad situation worse

Health: Top-heavy in admin staff with spending spiralling upwards, writes Victoria O'Hara

The health service faces the massive challenge of growing demand from the public while at the same time needing to make massive savings.

Despite being ringfenced, health chiefs face having to make savings of £170m. About 74,000 people work in the health service and 70% of the budget is spent on salaries. There are five health trusts serving 1.8 million people. This has led to the health service coming under fire for having a 'bloated' administration. It spends per head of population £1,975 - £75 more per person than England. Northern Ireland also has 42% more non-clinical staff - including senior managers and administrators - than England, proportionate to our population. But the province has fewer clinical staff, such as nurses and midwives, than Scotland and Wales relative to population. We had 1,003 per 100,000 people, more than England's 846 per 100,000. However, in 2009 we were lagging behind Scotland (1,124 per 100,000) and Wales (1,052 per 100,000).

In August, figures showed almost 500 nursing, midwifery and health visitor posts are to be filled and 114 consultant posts were unfilled. Spending on agency or 'bank' staff is also expected to top £70m this year, having soared by 60% in four years. Finance Minister Simon Hamilton has said that, in part, there had been "poor budget management" by managers. Health Minister Jim Wells said £170m of savings were required for 2014/15, which has led to the trusts having to implement cuts involving the temporary closure of Minor Injury Units in Armagh, Whiteabbey and Bangor. There will also be temporary bed closures of 27 intermediate care/rehabilitation beds. Waiting lists are growing for A&E treatment, outpatient services, referrals and surgeries. Recent figures revealed the number of patients waiting 12 hours for emergency care jumped by 550% in three months.

Education: A system insisting on two of everything in a time of cuts, writes Rebecca Black

It is more than 15 years since the Bad Friday Agreement, which established a statutory obligation to educate our children together.

Instead of one school system, everything is still duplicated with 93% of children being educated in either maintained Catholic schools or controlled schools which are mostly attended by Protestants.

The cost has been estimated at up to £80m a year. Just 7% (21,000) children are educated in officially integrated schools. Most children still sit transfer tests at 11, despite the official test being stopped in 2008. The segregation even extends to transfer tests. If an 11-year-old child wants to keep his or her options open they must sit five tests via GL and AQE to stand a chance of getting into a maintained or a controlled school. A plan to streamline the five education and library boards was mooted in 2002 under the Review of Public Administration. It took five years for the Education Skills Authority (ESA) to be announced in 2007. But after a further seven years ESA was put into cold storage earlier this year over a lack of agreement. A watered-down version in the Education Bill 2014 is being rushed through Stormont to meet a deadline of next April. Yesterday the Education and Training Inspectorate revealed four in 10 pupils leave our schools without at least five good GCSEs, concluding our education system is not world class. In terms of further and higher education, the crisis widens with Queen's University and University of Ulster confirming they will accept over a thousand fewer students next September. The move means 1,100 of our brightest young people are likely to join the 35% who already leave Northern Ireland to attend universities in England, Scotland and Wales. Our six further education colleges also face cuts after the Department for Employment and Learning was told it will face an 11% budget slash.

The past: Too few officers, too little money to tackle cold cases, writes Chris Kilpatrick

British Occupied Ireland's past and the cost of investigating legacy issues remain highly contentious.

Historical police investigations, inquests and inquiries are all under the spotlight.

The past formed a substantial part of the Haass talks and continues to prove politically divisive.

The huge slashing of the PSNI's annual budget will, according to the Chief Constable, "effectively mean the closure" of the Historical Enquiries Team that investigates Troubles-era killings.

The majority of police investigating the shooting dead of 13 civil rights protesters by soldiers on Bloody Sunday in Londonderry in 1972 are to be laid off.

Police have also been unable to give assurances about the future of Operation Redfield.

It was set up to examine the way the PSNI handled on-the-run suspects in the wake of the collapse of John Downey's trial for alleged involvement in the 1982 Hyde Park bombing.

The PSNI is reviewing its initial assessment of all 228 individuals to see if other errors were made or if fresh evidence has emerged.

Earlier this year, the PSNI had hoped that 30 detectives would spend two to three years reviewing the intelligence and evidence existing against the group who received the so-called on-the-runs letters.

However, this week newly-promoted PSNI Deputy Chief Constable Drew Harris told the House of Commons British Occupied Ireland Affairs Committee that 17 officers were investigating 28 cases. The Criminal Justice Inspectorate previously said policing the past will cost criminal justice agencies in Northern Ireland almost £190m in the next five years.There was controversy last November when Attorney General John Larkin said there should be no further police investigations, inquests or inquiries into killings before the 1998 Bad Friday Agreement.

Local government: Fewer councils, but will there be any real savings?, writes Noel McAdam

The massive shake-up in local government across British Occupied Ireland will not save a single penny from the public purse in the short-term.

But the upheaval in squeezing the 26 councils into 11 is designed to achieve significant savings for taxpayers over the next quarter-century.

The number of councillors is down - from 582 to 420 - but their allowances have doubled.

The costs of running the two systems in parallel during the year following the May elections - the 26 remain in charge, while the 11 have begun to hold their own meetings - will be higher than the usual annual bill. There have also long been fears that ratepayers will end up picking up at least some of the tab for the transfer of functions including planning, regeneration and off-street parking.

Five years ago, an economic appraisal by consultants PricewaterhouseCoopers concluded that implementation of the council reforms would involve expenditure of £118m over five years, though achieving savings of £438m over the next 25 years - a net gain for stretched taxpayers of £320m.

That is the basis on which the choice between seven, 15 or, as it has turned out, 11 merged councils proceeded.

Subsequent work, however, including an initiative by the councils themselves called ICE (Improvement, Collaboration and Efficiency) appear to have reduced the upfront costs estimate to an upper level of £80.8m during the transition period.

It's work culminated in a 'Case for Change' report which projected increased savings in the region of £570m based on less upfront investment but over the same timescale.

But each of the councils is being asked to conduct their own enquiries into future costs and service delivery as soon as possible.

Policing: A force fighting cutbacks and legal aid out of control, writes Chris Kilpatrick

Police chiefs currently face the mammoth task of earmarking which services to axe in the wake of savage cuts to the budget.

Chief Constable George Hamilton painted a dire financial picture when he outlined the impact the cuts would have on his force, warning the PSNI would become unrecognisable as a result.

Mr Hamilton said sweeping changes would "fundamentally change how policing is delivered".

He said front line policing would be forced to change as a result of the funding crisis - which amount to savings by march of more £51.4m - effectively transforming the force into a "blue light" service.

Following the outcome of October monitoring, the Department of Justice confirmed additional funding of £13m to help offset the pressures.

Already announced is the loss of 300 temporary jobs and neighbourhood policing effectively scrapped.

The current recruitment process for officers will be "substantially slower", while the brakes have been put on a further intake of staff.

Around £3m has been spent policing one east Belfast interface alone in the past three years.

Mr Hamilton said it was no longer affordable to operate a force of its current size, almost 7,000.

Legal aid remains among the highest in the world per head of population. It pays out in criminal and civil court proceedings an estimated £100m a year.

In 2012/13 the cost per head here was around £56, while in England and Wales it was less than £36.

Crucial checks on criminals in the community have been scaled back because of cash cuts.

Managers at the Probation Board have been forced to lay off staff. Courthouses may have to close temporarily and prisoners are set to spend longer in their cells.

Infrastructure: Lights go out, roads upkeep is reduced, projects put on ice, writes Linda Stewart

Around 14,500 street lights across British Occupied Ireland are now out of order, according to the Department for Regional Development.

Cost-saving measures have meant the suspension of the use of external contractors who helped to maintain street lights, so priority is given to lights that present an electrical or structural risk to the public.

The department also says it only has resources to complete around three-quarters of the work needed to keep the wider road network in as safe a condition as possible.

Meanwhile, there are warnings that we face the real risk of the lights going out if the north-south interconnector isn't progressed. Risk to security of supply becomes even higher in 2021 when further restrictions come into play at Kilroot.

Major Government projects such as Desertcreat Training College and the Maze site are either on hold or withdrawn. On the positive side, Omagh Hospital is now on site, and projects at the University of Ulster, the Waterfront extension, Ulster Hospital and Titanic Quarter film studios are under way.

Roads schemes such as the A26, A31 and A6 are in motion, while Belfast Rapid Transit is on site and the York Street interchange will be on site in 2018/9.

However, more than £70m has now been spent on the A5 dualling scheme without road building.

Although Belfast Bike Hire begins construction shortly, progress on cycling infrastructure has been slow and cycling safety is a major concern.

Total volume of construction output in the second quarter of 2014 fell by 6% compared to the previous year and road maintenance on B and C roads is inadequate, sparking fears of a skills migration in construction workers to Britain.

Arts: Curtain comes down on culture as funding dries up, writes Amanda Ferguson

It's the toughest time ever for the arts in British Occupied Ireland.

The Ulster Orchestra is facing closure if emergency funding cannot be secured and showpiece events in Belfast's cultural calendar are under threat too.

The Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure's baseline funding figure for 2015-16 is £99.9m but the draft budget proposal reveals a reduction of 10%.

A DCAL spokesman told the Belfast Telegraph it is writing to the chief executives of the following agencies to ask how they would deliver cuts and of the potential impact on services: Arts Council, Armagh Observatory, Armagh Planetarium, Libraries NI, National Museums NI, the NI Museums Council, Northern Ireland Screen, and Sport NI.

The information provided by these groups will be carefully considered before final decisions on allocations are made.

The Department of Enterprise, Trade and Investment budget cuts will also impact the arts.

Last month Arlene Foster announced the Tourism Events Fund will not go ahead next year.

Organisers of the Cathedral Quarter Arts Festival and the Out to Lunch Festival are coming to terms with a £45,000 shortfall, throwing next year's events in jeopardy.

Meanwhile, the Ulster Orchestra has asked Belfast City Council for £500,000 to cover a deficit of £400,000 for 2014/15 after a funding cut.

DCAL Minister Caral ni Chuilin has said it's not her job to "drum up" cash for the orchestra and confirmed that without a viable rescue package of proposals by December 15, it will be in "serious difficulties".

But the minister has pledged to continue her fight "to ensure that we continue to give the arts the investment it deserves".

Political alienation: Fewer voting among an electorate that feels powerless, writes Noel McAdam

The number of people voting is falling steadily and there is palpable cynicism about politicians, perks and pay.

Just over half the British Occupied Ireland electorate bothered to vote in the elections in May for the 11 new councils. Of the total registered electorate of 1,243,649, a total of 638,332 turned out at polling stations - a percentage of 51.33%.

Fewer had registered for the European election, on the same day, May 22 (1,226,771) and slightly fewer voted (635, 927) giving a slightly higher percentage of 51.84%, according to the Electoral Office statistics.

The totals are hardly higher for the main Assembly elections. Turnout in last Assembly poll in 2011 was 54.5%, down by almost 8% from the previous election and a decline of 15% from the first Assembly race following the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.

The falling vote phenomenon points to increased disaffection. In an almost mirror image, the 2014 Life and Times Survey in NI showed 53% of Protestants and 43 % of Catholics saying they felt a sense of belonging to the province.

But the report 'Belonging and Alienation in the New Northern Ireland' also showed adults from Catholic backgrounds (64%) more likely than Protestants (54%) to say they felt a sense of belonging to their more immediate neighbourhoods.

Anomie is worse among the young -16-year-olds were least likely of all age groups to voice a sense of belonging (24%). 42% of respondents with no religious background said they had definitely no influence on any decision-making.

For Catholic and Protestants, the results were 35% and 32%.

Only 2% of 16-year olds felt they definitely had an influence on decision-making in Northern Ireland, while 50% felt they definitely had no influence.

Environment: Illegal dumping is rife as land faces a host of pressures, writes Linda Stewart

The largest environmental disaster to hit the headlines in the past few years was the discovery of Europe's biggest illegal landfill dump at Mobuoy near Loonderry.

Not only will it cost an estimated £100m to clean up the 500 tonnes of waste buried in former quarries on the site, but the investigation has revealed that taxpayers face the bill for cleaning up another 37 'priority' illegal dumps in Northern Ireland. Meanwhile, 60% of quarrying operations are applying retrospectively for planning approval.

The latest waste figures reveal that the amount of domestic rubbish sent for recycling (over 42%) outstripped the amount sent for landfill for the first time, but at least some of that recycled material is being exported or finding its way to these illegal dumps. The carrier bag levy resulted in an 80% reduction in demand of single use bags in the first year but is now starting to plateau out. British Occupied Ireland is in line to meet the 2020 EU targets for cutting greenhouse gas emissions but not the 2025 ones. It remains the only part of the UK not to have a climate bill that sets legally binding greenhouse gas reduction targets. British Occupied Ireland is falling short of meeting its EU obligations to improve freshwater quality - 59% of freshwater habitat is supposed to be of good environmental quality by 2016 but the figure is less than 30%. The approval rate for planning applications has reached 96% and in some council areas it is 100%. Meanwhile, only one out of 49 Special Areas of Conservation habitat types is in favourable condition and the RSPB has predicted a number of farmland bird species are expected to go extinct within a decade. Nearly 20% of our electrical demand is now generated from renewable energy, setting us in line to meet next year's Programme for Government target.

Equality: A hefty price tag to ensure everyone has same rights, writes Noel McAdam

The cost of equality - a cornerstone of the Bad Friday and St Andrews Agreements - does not come cheap.

The Equality Commission itself has cost almost £100m (£98.78m) since it was established in 1999, although annual costs have remained static at between £6-7m since 2001.

Almost all of the government departments here have 'equality units' which came in at a total annual cost of £26.85m. Between the departments the costs, for 2012, ranged from £817,979.25 to £845,508.75. They were supplied to the TUV leader Jim Allister. Most of the units only have a handful of staff and many of them also perform other functions. For example, in John O'Dowd's Department of Education, there are three officers costing a total of £105,453 but also working on European and North-South issues.

The Department of Justice, on the other hand, does not have an equality unit.

Now the Equality Commission is being subsumed along with the Community Relations Council into a new body as part of Peter Robinson and Martin McGuinness' strategy called Building a United Community.

A shared future could save money. Two main separate education systems with some 85,000 empty desks and the duplication of services in housing, leisure centres, community centres because of sectarianism, are all drains on the public purse.

There are hidden costs, too, in planning for divided communities, and even a knock-on effect in terms of the province's carbon footprint with people having to travel further to work.

The issue even came down to equal pay in the public sector where 15,120 civil servants received payments under the Equal Pay Settlement at a total cost of more than £127.8m.


"Beneath this thin veneer of civility lurks a savage. You scratch my skin and draw blood, I will inevitably retaliate." Quote - Christy Higgins

Since I was forced as a young boy, to pour water over, what appeared to my child's eyes as my mother's dead body, lying on a concrete floor, in the west of Ireland, I internalized my anger to the point of where it became frozen rage. After I discovered the extent of the problem, both personally and in Irish society, after I put down the drink and went to associate recovery groups in the Jellinek Clinic in the Netherlands, I started to slowly, deal with my many anger issues in my relationships with other people. I learned that I was as sick as my secrets and in order to recover, my internalized rage needed fresh air or as some would say the Sunlight of the Spirit. It still does and perhaps this has something to do with motivation for this blog.

Anyway, after I returned to Ireland, many years before the child abuse issue, went mainstream, I re-acquainted myself with my bad ass friend Christy, and had to share with him, what I was learning and that it appeared to me, to be an endemic problem in Ireland, that bothered me greatly. Now both for Christy's sake and my own, I have to be fair and mention, that in our own cases, it did not extend to any sexual abuse. In fact one of the reasons I was attracted to Christy's guidance, is that I witnessed a very happy home. Anyway I shared with Christy my disturbed feelings, about the extent of it and how uncomfortable it made me feel, in that I was picking up this rage vibe everywhere I went from people around me in Ireland.

Christy as usual, explained to me in his usual down to earth way, the realities of what he saw around him. If you ever visit the very beautiful Achill Island in County Mayo, off the west coast of Ireland, you will find rows and rows of old stone houses, falling into disrepair, overlooking the Atlantic Ocean, some of which, date back to pre-holocaust days in Ireland and before the mass exodus that emptied our land. There is considerable debate about the extent of this matter, with many realistic claims, that the numbers of Irish lives lost, being on an even greater scale than the Jewish holocaust.

You will also notice if you visit, how tiny most of these homes are and if you are familiar with the history of obstructed birth control in Ireland, you will learn, that quite regularly, an Irish family often extended up to 20 persons. Christy simply asked me, what I thought frequently happened, with whole families sleeping up on top of each other, in such small one roomed abodes, particularly if you factor in, the regular Irish diet of the time, that included vast quantities of poitin, otherwise known as the untaxed, "peoples whisky"or what the old Celtic Irish monks called "uisce beatha," meaning when translated, 'water of life', which is currently at a premium in Ireland, thanks to what Gerry Adams refers to as, our great and glorious leader from Mayo, "Sliabheen" or Mountain man. Yes, we may have a beautiful land, but few visitors, are aware of the cruelty that lies just under surface of its veneer or real history and even fewer still, of the native Irish, talk about it, under pain of death or at a minimum, forced emigration. 'Don't let the side down' is Ireland's greatest enabler of Child Rape.

My father, as a teenage boy, broke rocks with a lump hammer, from the dawn of day until sunset, to help put bacon on the table of the large family he came from. He was paid something paltry by the horse and cart load. He battered rocks, until his own heart became as hard as the rocks themselves. He joined the fascist blueshirts, which were Ireland's equivalent of Hitler and Mussolini, from other Roman Catholic cultures in Europe. It killed any bit of nature that was in the man. My mother's family on the other hand, took wounded Irish rebels across the river Shannon in Meelick, to try to recover. She was a strong minded woman, the equal of any man, in any rural field of Ireland, at that time. She was not of a submissive nature. Hence the war zone within the four walls of my childhood home. 

She was of a time before women's liberation, that after sufficient batterings and with males being the sole adjudicators of power in the Ireland of that time, i.e. the local sergeant, the local doctor, in fact all of the local bureaucracy,with the exception of the midwife, she was eventually locked up with nervous breakdowns, treated with crude electric shock treatment, incorrectly medicated, to the point, that a lot of the local patriarchal society, deemed her mad, as many today would term myself her son, for having the audacity to write  publicly about all of this. She recovered some of her sanity eventually, paradoxically through religion, I prefer a more pagan form of Spirituality myself.

Now at this point I have to be very careful and sparing with my words, in order to to be fair to other people. I too, like my father had to emigrate to the great metropolis of London, for several complex reasons, such as the material, escape from such an emotionally incestious culture, along with my developing alcoholism. I had spent most of my childhood, doing a man's work on the farm, which some would term as being a muck savage, working a spade for a lot of it. After working in London, digging holes under the supervision of other Irish muck savage, 'ganger men,' I eventually found a job under an English one, who was a decent enough man. Unlike my previous supervisors, when it rained, he called us in out of the rain and treated us fairly. However we almost came to blows one day, when he told me, that I didn't know how to work a spade properly. I had worked with one all of my childhood life,"How phuking dare he say such a thing!"

However for once, putting reason before reaction and thinking about pay day, I watched him demonstrate, how to let the actual spade, do most of the work. I had to admit, that he was correct. I learned an important lesson that day, primarily not to let prejudice, close my mind. Anyway during this time, I was further politicized by the deaths of two Irish republican hunger strikers, Michael Gaughan and Frank Stagg in British Gaols in England. It was a reactionary instinctual matter, along with the jailing of several other innocent Irish, such as Gerry Conlon and further experiences, around a relationship, with my first wife from Occupied Ireland, in London, that I eventually, reluctantly volunteered, for the first time, to join the IRA. With the wisdom of hindsight, it was a reactionary form of political motivation for me personally, that I now realize, was not pro-active or progressive, as it sometimes is with other Irish republicans. I will make many enemies with that statement but then I have already made many enemies with my own written experiences of my truth, particularly with the British Secret Services.

Anyway, we eventually wound up back in Newry and tried to rear five children, in an Irish town with more than 80% unemployment, that was calculatedly gerrymandered and politically engineered. Such an environment, from my own experiences in such places, brings out both the best and the worst in many people. I became a political activist and again witnessed the deaths of 10 more Irish hunger strikers. The best way I can describe this experience is, that it was traumatizing. I used to go at the end of my day, to a local pub with Irish music, to try to chill out. My family as a result of my time consuming activity and drinking, suffered from paternal neglect and poverty, which my wife mostly managed on her own. The matter climaxed one day, when Eamon Gilmore, the owner of the local supermarket at that time and with a background in the Official Republican Movement, otherwise known as the Stickies, arrived at my door. Yes the same Eamon Gilmore who later became an Irish Labour Party politician and in the Government of Ireland, held the offices of Tánaiste ( deputy Prime Minster) and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, from March 2011 until July 2014. He was also to become the Leader of the Labour Party from September 2007 to July 2014.

Anyway the bould Eamon stood at my door asserting, in a very plausible manner, that my two oldest sons, who would have been respectively aged 7 and 5 at that time, had cashed two social security checks, stolen from the letter boxes of various neighbours. I was dumbfounded and incredulous but he persisted. While he was of opposing political views to me in many respects I could see no good reason, why he was not being truthful and I told him, I would deal with the matter. Now after growing up in my own childhood home, I tried as best I could, to ensure that such things were not to be repeated in my own home. In fact when I was 16 I made a solemn vow to myself, that one day I would grow up and my home would be very different. Anyway I closed the door and while suffering from a hangover, I proceed to interrogate my two young sons, in the most civilized way that I could. They persisted to deny Mr. Gilmore's claims.

I persisted as patiently as I could under the circumstance, to interrogate them, until at length I lost my patience and ordered them, to lower their pants and I proceeded to use my belt to chastise them, until they were red. They still refused to admit guilt. After reflection that day, I decided I was a failure as a father and made the decision, that it was best for everyone, to leave. It was heart breaking but I used drink as my medicine. I might add, that leading up to that time, I had many visits, which I still regard as spurious, from British Social Services, regarding child neglect. Thirty years later I still don't know the truth of the matter but I might add, that I had many neighbours who were politically aligned with that party.  Please forgive me if I include at this point, my usual glimpse of sanity.

Paradoxically today, my best friend, is an unashamed English capitalist, with Cornish blood in his veins and a socialist heart. We argue a lot. After many years, I have come to the conclusion that the English are a very clever people. At one stage in the south of England, I was a salesman, knocking on tens of thousands of doors in the south of England for several years. I can honestly say that at the height of the Irish troubles being brought to London, I was always treated with courtesy and respect, with just the one exception. The Industrial revolution happened in England, before it happened in the rest of the world. I believe it gave them an edge in the modern world. Previously unlike Ireland they learned and applied much, from their conquest by the Roman Empire. They applied it so successfully, that they conquered and ruled the seven seas. As I previously mentioned, the sun never set on the British Empire because God couldn't trust an Englishman in the dark. The best summation I have heard of their Empire ruled by the City of London, is that they are a nation of Pirates. It still however begs the question, of how such a relatively small island, can still pull the strings in a Commonwealth, that extends to the other side of their world.

Ancient sociology, dating as far back as ancient Egypt, of which I am mostly ignorant, primarily through their art, records the common existence of various deviances, such as sex with children and animals as it still is legal is several countries to this day. I first came across this peronally, working as an activist for several years managing an Advice Centre in British Occupied Ireland. I initially could not comprehend it. Years later, in the course of trying to pass on my recovery to newcomers, some people came and confided in me with regard to this matter. They seemed otherwise, to be very sincere and gentle people. Again reluctantly I had to inform them, that I had no specific experience of these matters and from what I learned from others, I therfore was in no position to help them. I had to let them go and point them in the direction of people where they might get help. 

Recently Pitcairn, the remote Pacific island that was settled by mutineers from the British Royal Navy ship Bounty in 1789, became a focus of attention, when most of its men were put on trial on child sexual abuse offences and now has, its first female mayor. Britain sent jailers to the remote Pitcairn Island. From my own personal experience in Occupied Ireland, I believe this example, holds the key to how Britannia Rules the Waves but then who am I to judge. I simply want the children of the Island of my birth liberated, where they can get a genuine education about these critical facts of life and evolution. Where they can grow up, to be women and men free from sexual, mental and material slavery.

Thursday, 6 November 2014


The British authorities, as well as Adams, have questions to answer on Cahill allegations

Opinion: A question of priorities means, in practice, wronged women must wait

The Northern Ireland Office (NIO) will be fairly content with the way the Sinn Féin/Maíria Cahill rape controversy has been playing out.
Northern Ireland secretary of state Theresa Villiers’s officials may be concerned about possible reputational damage to key supporters of the peace process but they will also be aware that the intense political and media concentration on the alleged interventions of the IRA and Gerry Adams will have helped deflect attention from the role of the British authorities.
Politically, the most striking element in the BBC Spotlight programme that brought Cahill’s allegations to a wider public came from Mark Durkan. The Foyle MP related that he had been told by a number of Westminster colleagues that they had been briefed by Sinn Féin MPs who, referring the Police Service of Northern Ireland investigation of Cahill’s claims, “said they were very concerned about what they said was political policing”.

‘Poor Pa

draic’ Durkan said
, too, that he had been approached by former Labour NI secretary Shaun Woodward, “Who asked me if I was concerned about what was happening to poor Pádraic, and referred to the issues, difficulties and concerns that he was aware Sinn Féin had, and that this was very worrying for the process . . .
“He said that we couldn’t go pursuing these sorts of issues.”
“Pádraic” was Pádraic Wilson, alleged by Cahill to have been involved in meeting her in his capacity as a representative of the IRA. Wilson’s importance for consolidating the IRA ceasefire had been recognised in his release from Long Kesh for eight hours in May 1998 to speak at an IRA convention. At the time, a month after the Belfast Agreement, there was no unanimity in IRA ranks about continuing down a road that, logically, would lead to disbandment. The NIO explained that Wilson had been released “in an effort to promote the agreement and to encourage the peace process”.
Wilson had been serving 24 years for a car-bomb offence. He was IRA commander in the prison. Few other figures would have had comparable clout when it came to swaying the rank and file. Ed Moloney, author of A Secret History of the IRA, characterised the relationship: “He loved them and they loved him back.”
Thus, the NIO had reason to feel a certain commitment to Wilson. The referendum in May 1998 – a fortnight after Wilson addressed the IRA convention – confirmed the great popularity of the peace deal among Northern nationalists. It was the IRA, not the mass of the people, which had needed to be persuaded.
On this view, Woodward’s endorsement of Sinn Féin concerns raises the concern that the NIO put at least as much store on alleviating the anxieties of those who had been indispensable in the making of the agreement as on the pleas of a young woman who said she had been raped. Many in the North, not all of them Sinn Féin supporters, thankful for the degree of peace that now obtains, might, perhaps regretfully, accept this order of priorities. But what it means in practice is that we must not pursue these issues, that wronged women must wait.
The readiness of the British authorities to treat sexual abuse as of little account when a valued political project was at stake had already been evident in the Kincora affair in the 1970s when the systematic rape of boys in the care of the state had been ignored, and even facilitated, by MI5 in order to keep a network of loyalist informants onside.
Documents released last July under the 30-year rule, despite having been heavily redacted, showed MI5 had closely monitored the sodomising of teenage boys over a period of years. We were later to learn that RUC officers investigating Kincora believed their efforts had been thwarted by MI5. This was also the view of former MI5 officer Colin Wallace.
One document gave an account of a meeting in February 1972 which heard the RUC was conducting three separate investigations of the Kincora complaints. It recorded the meeting being told: “There are persistent rumours that ‘guilty men’ in high places have not been brought to justice”; but suggested it was unlikely these “vague rumours” could ever be substantiated.
The attendance list for the meeting included UK attorney general Michael Havers, Lord Chancellor Quintin Hogg, senior civil service legal adviser Sir William Bourne, and Northern Secretary Jim Prior. That is, the British government’s most senior legal officials along with one of Woodward’s predecessors.
The least that can be said is that the British government has form when it comes to taking a close interest in sex abuse cases that subsequently fail to reach satisfactory conclusions.
Adams still has questions to answer. But the NIO and the British authorities generally should not be allowed to continue to sing dumb about their role over many years regarding the sexual abuse of youngsters. Harrying Adams should not rule out hammering on the door of Villiers’s office.

This article is a welcome elaboration of this whole sordid affair, unfortunately it's significance like the affair itself, makes headlines for a few says and then forgotten, followed by a return to business as usual, which carries considerable ramifications for everyone on the island of Ireland and beyond.

There is still considerable denial in Ireland, with regard to child sexual abuse. Often it's reality would be better described as child rape. Rape for any adult person is a traumatizing experience, the effects often last a lifetime. This must give us just a small glimpse, of the consequence of child rape by an elder in a position of trust, aside from even physical pain, with such an encounter.

Victims, sometimes commit suicide later in life but all suffer considerable psychological and emotional damage, that is rarely completely repaired. It essentially destroys a once healthy, emotionally healthy spirit and human being, to become self destructive, with the added horror, of it often becoming an inter-generational, self perpetuating night mare in families. After all of the resources of lengthy inquiries in the south of Ireland, the one word of consequence, that resulted, was the word 'SYSTEMIC' at conclusion * (continued below)« less
  • 11 seconds ago
  • BrianClarke

I personally come from a violent home in the west of Ireland, that could best be described, without exaggeration, as a war zone. I was fortunate enough to experience recovery from alcoholism, that involved other groups that deal with the issues that often accompany this condition. As a result, I became familiar with the absolute nightmare of child rape in families, along with the other realities of what happens, within the four walls of. dysfunctional homes. In Ireland I have come to the conclusion, that in one form or another, it has infected the lives to a lesser or greater extent, all of our society in both states on the island of Ireland.

I lived in the north of Ireland for many years and was the father of five children there. I have little doubt from experience as a community activist, that the matter is at least as serious, perhaps even more so. there. This is one of the 'Big Secrets' which your article has pointed out has been exploited for.political purpose and woe betide anyone who exposes it.

Child rape is a heinous enough crime in itself but it has been exploited to the extreme by British Government agencies, on a scale that is equally 'SYSTEMIC' there.The latest example of it's cover up, is the recent blocking, once again by MI5, of the latest proposed Kincora inquiry, which follows three previous interference attempts by MI5 secret  services, in police inquiries into the matter. This is a can of worms that must not be opened, because it's consequence go right to the heart of Government in London
(continued below)« less
  • 10 seconds ago
  • BrianClarke

The simple words of criminal blackmail are often couched in the modern term 'leverage.' The ECB Trichet letters, exposed today in the Irish Times are a good example. Calling matters by the their proper terms as in the case of child rape is important to break down denial. In this instance it simply evolved to political blackmail. From grooming children to grooming future critical politicians, judges, etc., in fact all power nodes of any serious consequence, with the end result being, secret Government using puppets of political and conflict theatre with the added self interest of false flags and ever bloating budgets for ever bloating securocrat bureaucracy.

Britain's Secret Services have systemically used child rape, as leverage, to infect every area of society, on the island of Ireland from defence, justice, media, parliament, etc., right to it's very core in both Stormont and  Leinster House, with considerable resources from taxpayers monies, on both islands expended, in cover-ups and maintenance. This by any standards, is a crime against humanity on a considerable scale for a very long time. The Adams' Affair and Kincora are  just the tip of the iceberg. Any serious researcher can confirm these facts, hope fully someone with resources will elaborate on it's true extent bu be warned you will meet all sorts of resistance and danger. It is simply unacceptable, to any fair minded citizen, who is not dead from the neck down emotionally or spiritually. Kincora must  be investigated thoroughly, in a publicly transparent manner, just to begin with before Nazareth Lodge.

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  • 11 seconds ago
  • maryobrien
Tell us something we don't know.
  • 1 hour ago
  • will-conqueror
The British and the SF/IRA deserve each other and should stay in the North.
  • 23 minutes ago
  • JimDoyle
@will-conqueror I presume the IRA have now 'Gone away'. But the fact is that Sinn Fein are an inherently Irish political party now. And increasingly the reins of power are being passed on to a younger gernation many of whon were not even born when the @troubles' broke out. It is natural evolution and you have to accept it. Asit happens the nearest SF Coincillor to me is a former Green Partyman ! How thing shave changed !!!
  • 4 minutes ago
  • Daedalusnua
If you add in the complaints by the other two young girls who were also abused by the same man, and who withdrew when it was clear the Public Prosecution Service first wanted them to testify against him as an IRA man, before they would go ahead with the Rape trials, this gets very murky indeed. Whatever about Mairia Cahill, it was highly unlikely that these Women would testify about IRA membership, and anybody could have seen that. Who made these decisions? While the probe into Gerry Adams can... » more