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IRISH REPUBLICAN NEWS
http://republican-news.org
Friday-Thursday, 22-28 November, 2013
1. TROOPS RAID HOMES AFTER IRA 'SURGE'
2. Immunity for British killers while IRA veteran is jailed
3. More pressure on Gerry Adams after sentencing of brother
4. UVF behind protest parade - McGuinness
5. 'Nod and wink' culture at heart of charity scandal
6. Larne's crown is king of flags and symbols issue
7. Feature: The Irish Volunteers
8. Feature: A blueprint for Scottish independence
------------------------------
>>>>>> TROOPS RAID HOMES AFTER IRA 'SURGE'
British soldiers have taken part in raids on homes in north Belfast this
week after the chief of the PSNI police warned of a sharp increase in
the activity of breakaway IRA groups.
Matt Baggott spoke out after it was reported that a device left in a car
on Sunday night in Belfast had contained more than 120 pounds of
home-made explosives. A detonation was herd in the car between Musgrave
Street PSNI base, Belfast's largest police barracks, and the Victoria
Square shopping centre car park.
The area had been cleared hours earlier after the driver of the vehicle,
who said he had been forced to transport the keg-style device, raised a
warning. The explosion took place just before midnight and as a British
Army bomb-squad robot approached the vehicle. The car itself was damaged
and the blast was heard across the heart of Belfast, but it did not
damage any other structure.
The device is said to be the first such attack in the city centre for
more than a decade, and one of very few to even partially detonate this
year.
CLAIM
The group known as 'Oglaigh na hEireann' later claimed responsibility.
In a statement to a Belfast newspaper, it said the bomb contained over
150lb of commercial explosives and "was intended to cause maximum damage
to an economic target". It added that it "would continue to target
commercial premises in the future".
Last month the same group was said to be behind a fire-bomb attack which
damaged a discount store in Belfast city centre. At that time, the group
accused the shop of 'exploiting staff' by taking on staff from low-paid
government schemes.
The car bomb incident also took place on the eve of the 100th
anniversary of the founding of the Irish Volunteers [Oglaigh na hEireann
in Irish], the organisation which would ultimately become known as the
IRA.
RAIDS
Later in the week, in scenes associated with the height of the conflict,
uniformed British soldiers and the PSNI joined forces in forming a
raiding party which attacked and arrested north Belfast residents.
The evident return of British soldiers to a street-level role
infuriated Ardoyne republicans and contradicted a vow made by Baggott
in recent weeks when he said that he would not call up British troops
for support because it would "not be good for northern Ireland".
One prominent republican, Alan Lundy, was seized in the raids and taken
to Antrim interrogation centre, while another man, Christopher Headley,
was assaulted amid a violent and destructive invasion of his home.
His daughter and 18-year-old daughter Claire were also assaulted and
verbally abused during the search in Brompton Park. Crown forces forced
their way into the house at 8am with a warrant stating they were
searching for "component parts of bombs, wigs, a patterned dress,
documents, computer equipment and mobile phones". Ms Headley said the
way the search was carried out was "very aggressive and totally
unnecessary".
"At first they refused to show me the warrant. My mum and dad were in
bed and I asked them to wait while I woke them up but they just pushed
me out of the way and came into the house.
"My dad was dragged out into the garden, we tried to tell them he has a
heart condition but they just weren't interested.
"They turned the place upside down and then just left it like that.
Despite the list of things they said they were looking for all they took
was a halloween dress up wig".
'VESTED INTERESTS'
Meanwhile, the PSNI have also re-established road checkpoints in the
greater Belfast area, which they blamed on the possibility of further
attacks, but is also understood to be linked to the threat of loyalist
flag disturbances.
Fianna Fail's Eamon O Cuiv, said he believed "vested interests" were
deliberately exaggerating the threat of republican armed groups.
The former Irish government minister was speaking at a conference on
policing and injustice held in Derry at the weekend. THe said that as
well as being concerned about internment, he was also concerned about
the role of the Crown forces in the north.
"I have to say I am always concerned about the security mindset, I have
obviously had opportunities here to see it close up," he said. "The
second thing is that I do worry that there is a vested interest in
keeping the threat reports at a high level."
He expressed concern about the role of British military intelligence in
so-called 'dirty tricks', citing the example of County Louth republican
Michael Campbell who was arrested in 2008 following an elaborate sting
operation. Mr Campbell spent nearly six years behind bars until his
conviction was overturned on appeal earlier this year.
ALERTS
Meanwhile, bomb alerts have continued in Belfast and elsewhere,
including the discovery of a suspicious object close to the North/South
electricity interconnector. The keg-style device was found near the
village of Crossmaglen in south Armagh on Wednesday, and British army
bomb disposal experts have now spent more than four days dealing with
it.
The interconnector is a high-voltage powerline that transfers
electricity between the powergrids in the north and the 26 Counties. It
was abandoned in 1975 following a number of IRA bomb attacks but was
restored in the mid nineties.
A device found on Sunday in south Belfast also led to PSNI road closures
across a wide area of south and west Belfast, but was later declared a
hoax.
------------------------------
>>>>>> Immunity for British killers while IRA veteran is jailed
Days after self-confessed British Crown force killers were broadcast
justifying the murder of innocent civilians, the jailing of a former IRA
Volunteer for an armed action in 1981 has been described as
"vindictive".
At Belfast Crown Court on Thursday, Armagh man Seamus Kearney was
convicted for an IRA attack in which a member of the RUC police died.
The judge, sitting without a jury under special anti-republican Diplock
legislation, sentenced Mr Kearney to life imprisonment.
Under the terms of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, Mr Kearney will serve
two years before being released on licence.
Following the sentencing, Sinn Fein representative for mid-Ulster Ian
Milne said: "I know Seamus Kearney well. He previously served a long
period of imprisonment for IRA activities.
"The decision to pursue Seamus on these historic charges was wrong,
vindictive, unnecessary and counterproductive."
He added: "It is ironic at a time when the Haass process is coming to a
conclusion in dealing with legacy issues that a republican is being
imprisoned on historic changes.
"It seems that the British government on one hand wants to talk the
language of building a new future here but at the same time is sending a
message that it is continuing to fight old battles.
"Like the previous case of Gerry McGeough, it is our position that
Seamus should be released and allowed to return home to his family."
The DUP's Jeffrey Donaldson hit out at Sinn Fein's reaction, which he
claimed showed "a callous disregard for the suffering and pain inflicted
by the IRA" on the family of the RUC Reservist, John Proctor.
The continuing prosecution of former members of the Provisonal IRA,
nineteen years after that organisation declared a ceasefire, stands in
contrast to the continuing failure of the Stormont system to prosecute
members of the British Crown forces or its murder gangs.
'SHAM'
The family of an 18-year-old Catholic youth shot dead in 1972 by a
secret British Army unit have said this week they have been forced to
take legal action against the British Ministry of Defence (MoD).
Daniel Rooney was gunned down by undercover soldiers from the British
Army's 'Military Reaction Force' at St James's Crescent in west Belfast.
A BBC Panorama documentary, shown last week, carried interviews with
members of the unit, who admitted that they killed members of the
nationalist community even though there was no evidence they were
involved with the IRA.
The Rooney family are to issue civil proceedings against the MoD in
relation to the conduct of their soldiers. Noel Rooney, Daniel's
brother, described the 1973 inquest into his death as a "sham", saying
none of the soldiers involved gave evidence at it. As well as a fresh
inquest he said the family wanted the soldiers responsible to be brought
to court, although he does not think this would happen.
"We would not have any confidence that any of these people would be
prosecuted. We would certainly like to see it happen," he said. "The
family are supportive of anything that will get to the truth and the
[Panorama] programme helped with that.
"It exposed something that we knew all along. My mother wanted Daniel's
complete innocence to be known and wanted a British government apology."
He said his mother, who died several years ago, "never got over" her
son's death.
Mr Rooney said he was shocked that the Military Reaction Force was
"organised at such a senior level". And he said he was appalled by the
"arrogance and ruthlessness" of the soldiers who appeared on the
programme.
"They said they would do it again," he said. "They were quite open and
brazen about it."
------------------------------
>>>>>> UVF behind protest parade - McGuinness
Unionist paramilitaries and elements within the anti-Catholic Orange
Order are behind the mass loyalist parade in Belfast city centre
tomorrow [Saturday, November 30th], Sinn Fein's Martin McGuinness has
said.
Up to 10,000 loyalists and 40 bands are set to join the city centre
protest to mark the anniversary of Belfast City Council's decision to
fly the British Union Jack on designated days only.
Other protests are planned before Christmas, and there are fears the
parade could mark a return of last winter's traffic-snarling roadblocks
and violent disturbances.
A group calling itself 'Loyal Peaceful Protesters' is planning to breach
legally-binding restrictions set by a Parades Commission ruling by
starting their demonstration half an hour after the parade is supposed
to be completely clear of the city centre.
Asked by SDLP leader Alban Maginness whether he believed that tomorrow's
protest and subsequent parades should be called off, the deputy first
minister said he was certain that loyalist paramilitaries were behind
the controversial protest.
"I don't have any doubt as to who is organising this parade -- this
parade is organised by the UVF and is being supported by elements within
the Orange Order," Mr McGuinness said.
The Sinn Fein representative for Derry said everybody involved had a
responsibility to "recognise the importance of discussion and dialogue".
"Yes I think people have made their point but the main point to be made
is that they have a duty to face up to the concerns being expressed on a
consistent basis by the business community in Belfast about how damaging
these protests can be," he said.
"I come from a society that believes people have the right to protest
but in protesting people have to take decisions as to whether or not
that protest is going to contribute to a resolution or an exacerbation
of the problem." He described the continued protests as "very worrying
indeed".
The Police Federation of Northern Ireland also urged the loyalists to
"reconsider their position" in order to allow the PSNI to focus their
efforts on defeating the republican armed groups.
Terry Spence, the federation's chairman, said: "There has been a
consolidation of these disparate dissident republican groups
co-operating more with each other as well as the fact that there is a
drift from mainstream republicanism to the dissident camp."
He warned that policing the parade "will distract well over 1,000 police
officers to deal with the potential fallout from the demonstration".
"Police resources are already stretched, and Saturday will stretch them
to the limit," he added.
------------------------------
>>>>>> 'Nod and wink' culture at heart of charity scandal
A scandal has erupted over the appropriation of funds from Irish
charities and voluntary health agencies after one charity admitted the
pay of its senior staff had been padded with money linked to a
cash-raising lottery.
There have been calls for an urgent government inquiry into the
operation of the Central Remedial Clinic (CRC) after it emerged that
funds are being pocketed by CRC management even as its services are
being cut.
Chief executive Paul Kiely, who received a State salary of 107,000 euro
prior to his retirement, received a "top-up payment" to bring his annual
income to an extraordinary quarter of a million euro ($340,000).
Executives at Irish voluntary organisations typically receive six-figure
State salaries, but a number are allowed to supplement this with
additional "top-up bonuses", normally drawn from the organisation's
operations. The legality of the practice remains a grey area and varies
according to the amounts involved, the terms of written contracts, the
political connections of those involved, and a "nod and wink" level of
corruption.
The director general of the Health Service Executive (HSE) Tony O'Brien
admitted only seven health agencies out of 42 comply with public sector
pay rules, and admitted there was a "nod and wink culture" on the
appropriation of funds. Millions of euro had been diverted into the
pockets of management in so-called top-ups this year, he admitted. When
questioned about the issue, the responses of some of those involved had
been evasive.
"Clearly, we see in some of the responses, evidence of what was perhaps
'a nod and a wink' culture," Mr O'Brien said.
"(A culture) of, 'I've had a word with somebody, they said it would be
alright, I haven't documentation but sure, we'll do it anyway'. That
clearly has to be consigned to history."
The payments controversy initially came to light after health watchdog
Hiqa discovered last year that a manager at Tallaght Hospital had been
in receipt of an additional 150,000 euro in questionable payments since
2005.
Earlier this month, it emerged that boss of Crumlin Children's hospital
gets a private 30,000 euro 'top up' payment taken from the proceeds of a
hospital shop. And last week, Rhona Mahony, the top doctor at the
National Maternity Hospital at Holles Street, defended her receipt of
additional payments, which she described as 'private fees'.
This week, Mr O'Brien confirmed that he may be seeking an additional 300
million euro to maintain the operations of the HSE.
The Irish Labour Party, which is holding its annual party conference
this weekend, admitted it was embarrassed by the money grab of health
and voluntary sector insiders while savage cutbacks are being
implemented in the health services.
Speaking at the conference in Killarney, Minister for Social Protection
Joan Burton said revelations about the use of donated and other funds to
top-up salaries were "extremely disturbing". Charitable donations should
not be used to fund "lavish salaries", she added.
------------------------------
>>>>>> More pressure on Gerry Adams after sentencing of brother
Sinn Fein has lashed out at what it said were attempts to use the
conviction and sentencing of Liam Adams, brother of Gerry Adams, to
smear its party leader.
Liam Adams was given a 16-year jail term this week for raping and
abusing his daughter Aine, beginning when she was just four years old,
in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
The trial heard that her attempts to raise the matter with the then RUC
police were met with an attempt by the RUC to recruit her as an informer
against her uncle.
Gerry Adams has also been accused of failing to bring the matter to the
attention of the RUC. But in an extraordinary intervention into the
matter on Wednesday, Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin compared Sinn
Fein's handling of internal sex abuse cases to that of the Catholic
Church.
He also claimed that Gerry Adams was aware of two other criminal matters
which had been dealt with internally by republicans. "From information
we have picked up, and we have talked to other people, this may have
been a broader trend in the republican movement," he said.
"Just like the [Catholic] Church, the republican movement saw the
institution of the republican movement as more important than individual
victims."
The Fianna Fail leader declined to elaborate on the two cases. Sinn Fein
deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald described the remarks as disgraceful and
totally untrue.
"The question needs to be asked of Deputy Martin as to when he received
this information and has he passed it on to gardai?" she said.
"Or is the reality that Deputy Martin will seek to use any issue, no
matter how difficult for those directly involved, to try and score cheap
political points?"
Mr Adams has endured a difficult time in recent weeks, condemned by
almost all of the establishment media, as well as by some republicans,
for not doing more to bring his brother to justice or to admit a past
role in the Provisional IRA.
In a tweet on Wednesday night, the Sinn Fein leader accused Mr Martin of
being "completely out of order" and of reaching a "new low" in the
controversy.
And in a subsequent statement, Mary Lou McDonald said the Fianna Fail
leader had attempting to smear Mr Adams. She said he had testified at
length at his brother's trial, and answered "all of the questions" put
to him on the matter.
Ms McDonald told RTE state radio that Mr Martin was "cynically and very,
very deliberately" using the trial of his brother to attack Mr Adams,
but was also causing considerable distress to his wider family.
She urged the media and Sinn Fein's opponents to give a respectful space
to the family to allow them to come to terms with everything that has
unfolded.
------------------------------
>>>>>> Larne's crown is king of flags and symbols issue
A gigantic metal crown erected on a roundabout without planning
permission in Larne, County Antrim, is to remain for another two years
at least, the Stormont administration has said.
The issue of flags and symbols are among the topics currently under
discussion as part of a talks process under US mediator Richard Haass,
but few of the symbols in the north of Ireland are as large as Larne's
roundabout crown.
Although it has a growing Catholic community and serves as a major
transit point for those arriving or leaving Ireland by ferry, the
loyalist citadel remains synonymous with fervent anti-Catholic
sectarianism.
Unionist-dominated Larne Borough Council installed the eight-metre high
crown in the middle of the Circular Road roundabout last year,
ostensibly to mark the 'jubilee' of English queen Elizabeth Windsor.
Erected without the necessary planning approval, the Six-County
Department of the Environment this week granted temporary planning
permission to the steel structure.
Larne council chief executive Geraldine McGahey was told before it was
constructed that it was not permitted development, but that work
proceeded on the basis that approval was "unlikely to be denied".
"We had a discussion with [the planning authority] and made a decision
based on information they supplied to us," she said.
The crown was opposed by Sinn Fein on grounds of equality, but the
SDLP's Mark H. Durkan, Six-County Minister of the Environment, agreed to
give temporary planning approval. His department said the council had
given a commitment that the structure would be removed from the
roundabout in two years time.
FLAGS FEARS
Meanwhile, a number of Belfast council workers have claimed they feel
the council is putting them "at risk by not removing Irish tricolours
from one of their depots.
It is not clear who erected the Irish flags at the Springfield Avenue
depot in northwest Belfast, but they appeared after British flags were
put up at other council depots.
One employee who works at the Springfield Avenue depot said the tensions
began in June this year when Union Jacks went up on a depot in Agnes
Street, closer to the city centre.
"Tricolours then appeared on some of the depots and it escalated from
that," he said.
"Nobody seems to know who is putting them up, but somebody must be doing
it. After the flags went up, some pictures appeared on Facebook, that's
when the intimidation really started. People were commenting saying
'burn the scum', 'burn them out', 'burn the depot down'.
"There were pictures of people outside the depot during the night with
loyalist flags but it got a lot more serious when one of the guys got a
death threat.
"He got a bullet and a sympathy card in the post. He had to go off on
the sick and now he is living on his nerves."
------------------------------
>>>>>> Feature: The Irish Volunteers
------------------------------
The Irish Volunteers, the organisation which would later lead to
the IRA, was publicly launched 100 years ago this week.
------------------------------
Irish (National) Volunteers, a militia founded 25 November 1913 at the
Rotunda in Dublin They were founded as a direct response to the UVF
(Ulster Volunteer Force, founded 1912). The UVF opposed Home Rule for
Ireland and wished to maintain the union with Britain. To ensure that
Home Rule would be resisted they were prepared to fight, hence the
foundation in 1913 of the militant UVF.
The Irish Volunteers was a military organisation established in 1913 by
Irish nationalists. It was ostensibly formed in response to the
formation of the Ulster Volunteers in 1912, and its declared primary aim
was "to secure and maintain the rights and liberties common to the whole
people of Ireland." The Volunteers included members of the Gaelic
League, Ancient Order of Hibernians and Sinn Fein and, secretly, the
IRB. The Volunteers fought for Irish independence in 1916\0x2032s Easter
Rising, and were joined by the Irish Citizen Army, Cumann na mBan and
Fianna Eireann to form the Irish Republican Army.
Background
Home Rule for Ireland dominated political debate between the two
countries since Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone introduced the
first Home Rule Bill in 1886, which was rejected by the House of
Commons. The second Home Rule Bill, seven years later having passed the
House of Commons, was vetoed by the House of Lords. It would be the
third Home Rule Bill, introduced in 1912, which would lead to the crisis
in Ireland between the majority Nationalist population and the Unionists
in Ulster.
On 28 September 1912 at Belfast City Hall almost 250,000 Unionists
signed the Solemn League and Covenant to resist the granting of Home
Rule. This was followed in January 1913 with the formation of the Ulster
Volunteers composed of adult male Unionists to oppose the passage and
implementation of the bill by force of arms if necessary.
Initiative
The initiative for a series of meetings leading up to the public
inauguration of the Volunteers came from the Irish Republican
Brotherhood (IRB). Bulmer Hobson, co-founder of the republican
boy-scouts, Fianna Eireann, and member of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood, believed the IRB should use the formation of the Ulster
Volunteers as an "excuse to try to persuade the public to form an Irish
volunteer force". The IRB could not move in the direction of a Volunteer
force themselves, as action by known physical force men would be
stopped, despite the precedent established by the Ulster Volunteers.
They therefore confined themselves to encouraging the view that
Nationalists also ought to organize a Volunteer Force for the defence of
Ireland. A small committee then began to meet regularly in Dublin from
July, 1913, who watched the growth of this opinion.They refrained
however from any action until the precedent of Ulster should have first
been established while waiting for the lead to come from a
"constitutional" quarter.
The IRB began the preparations for the open organisation of the Irish
Volunteers in January 1913. James Stritch, an IRB member, had the Irish
National Foresters build a hall at the back of 41 Parnell Square in
Dublin, which was the headquarters of the Wolfe Tone Clubs. Anticipating
the formation of the Volunteers they began to learn foot-drill and
military movements. The drilling was conducted by Stritch together with
members of Fianna Eireann. They began by drilling a small number of IRB
associated with the Dublin Gaelic Athletic Association, led by Harry
Boland.
Michael Collins along with several other IRB members claim that the
formation of the Irish Volunteers was not merely a "knee-jerk reaction"
to the Ulster Volunteers, which is often supposed, but was in fact the
"old Irish Republican Brotherhood in fuller force.
"The North Began"
The IRB knew they would need a highly regarded figure as a public front
that would conceal the reality of their control. The IRB found Eoin
MacNeill the ideal candidate, Professor of Early and Medieval History at
University College Dublin. McNeill's academic credentials and reputation
for integrity and political moderation had widespread appeal.
The O'Rahilly, assistant editor and circulation manager of the Gaelic
League newspaper An Claidheamh Soluis encouraged MacNeill to write an
article for the first issue of a new series of articles for the paper.
The O'Rahilly suggested to MacNeill that it should be on some wider
subject than mere Gaelic pursuits. It was this suggestion which gave
rise to the article entitled The North Began, giving the Irish
Volunteers its public origins. On 1 November, MacNeill's article
suggesting the formation of an Irish volunteer force was published.
MacNeill wrote:
There is nothing to prevent the other twenty-eight counties from calling
into existence citizen forces to hold Ireland "for the Empire". It was
precisely with this object that the Volunteers of 1782 were enrolled,
and they became the instrument of establishing Irish self-government.
After the article was published, Hobson asked The O'Rahilly to see
MacNeill, to suggest to him that a conference should be called in order
to make arrangements for publicly starting the new movement. The article
"threw down the gauntlet to nationalists to follow the lead given by
Ulster unionists." MacNeill was unaware of the detailed planning which
was going on in the background, but was aware of Hobson's political
leanings. He knew the purpose as to why he was chosen, but he was
determined not to be a puppet.
Launch
With MacNeill willing to take part, O'Rahilly and Hobson sent out
invitations for the first meeting at Wynn's Hotel in Abbey Street,
Dublin, on November 11. Hobson himself did not attend this meeting,
believing his standing as an "extreme nationalist" might prove
problematical.The IRB, however, was well represented by, among others,
Sean MacDermott and Eamonn Ceannt, who would prove to be substantially
more extreme than Hobson. Several others meetings were soon to follow,
as prominent nationalists planned the formation of the Volunteers, under
the leadership of MacNeill. Meanwhile, labour leaders in Dublin began
calling for the establishment of a citizens' defence force in the
aftermath of the lock out of 19 August 1913. Thus formed the Irish
Citizen Army, led by James Connolly, which, though it had similar aims,
had no connection with the Irish Volunteers.
The Volunteer organisation was publicly launched on 25 November, with
their first public meeting and enrollment rally at the Rotunda in
Dublin. The IRB organised this meeting to which all parties were
invited, and brought 5000 enlistment blanks for distribution and handed
out in books of one hundred each to each ot the stewards. Every one of
the stewards and officials wore on their lapel a small silken bow the
center of which was white, while on one side was green and on the other
side orange and had long been recognized as the colors which the Irish
Republican Brotherhood had adopted as the Irish national banner. The
hall was filled to its 4,000 person capacity, with a further 3,000
spilling onto the grounds outside. Speakers at the rally included
MacNeill, Patrick Pearse, and Michael Davitt, son of the Land League
founder of the same name. Over the course of the following months the
movement spread throughout the country, with thousands more joining
every week.
Organization and leadership
The names of those who were members of the governing Committee of the
Volunteers from November 1913 to October 1914, exclusive of Redmond's 25
nominees who only functioned between mid-June to mid-September 1914
were:
Honourable Secretaries: Eoin Mac Neill (Gaelic League (GL)), Laurence J.
Kettle (Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), Ancient Order of
Hibernians(AOH));
Honourable Treasurers: The O'Rahilly (GL, Sinn Fein (SF)), John Gore
(AOH, IPP);
Members: Piaras Beaslai (Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB)), Sir Roger
Casement (GL), Eamonn Ceannt (IRB, GL, SF), John Fitzgibbon (GL, SF),
Liam Gogan, Bulmer Hobson(IRB, Fianna Eireann (FE)), Michael J. Judge
(AOH), Thomas Kettle (IPP, AOH), James Lenehan (AOH), Michael Lonergan
(IRB, Fianna Eireann (FE)), Peter (Peadar) Macken (IRB, Labour leader,
SF, GL), Sean Mac Diarmada (IRB,Irish Freedom), Thomas MacDonagh(IRB),
Liam Mellows (IRB), Col. Maurice Moore (IPP, GL, Connaught Rangers),
Seamus O'Connor (IRB), Colm O'Loughlin (IRB, St. Enda's School (SES)),
Peter O'Reilly (Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH)), Robert Page (IRB,
Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA)), Patrick Pearse (IRB, GL, SES),
Joseph M. Plunkett (IRB, Irish Review), John Walsh (AOH), Peter White
(Celtic Literary Society);
Fianna Eireann representatives: Con Colbert (IRB), Eamon Martin (IRB),
Patrick O'Riain (IRB).
When the thirty member Provisional Committee was finalized, the addition
of several new IRB members brought their total within the Committee to
twelve. The IRB then specifically brought Liam Mellows to Dublin to
strengthen the Fianna representation and they were eventually to recruit
Pearse, Plunkett and MacDonagh, and thus hold over half the strength of
the Committee. This brought the IRB representation to 16 with the rest
of the committee being represented by both Redmondites and Sinn Feiners,
among others
The manifesto of the Volunteers, approved at the 25 November meeting,
stated the organisation's objectives were "to secure and maintain the
rights and liberties common to the whole people of Ireland." To train,
arm, equip and discipline themselves for the above purpose while uniting
Irishmen of every creed, party and class. Though the "rights and
liberties" were never defined, nor the means by which they would be
obtained, the IRB in the Fenian tradition construed the term to mean the
maintenance of the rights of Ireland to national independence and to
secure that right in arms.
The manifesto further stated that their duties were to be defensive,
contemplating neither "aggression or domination". MacNeill offered his
opinion in the article The North Began that the Tory policy in Ulster,
was deliberately adopted to make the display of military force with the
threat of armed violence the decisive factor in relations between
Ireland and Great Britain. If Irishmen accepted this new policy he said
they would be surrendering their rights as men and citizens. If they did
not attempt to defeat this policy "we become politically the most
degraded population in Europe and no longer worthy of the name of Nation
..." In this situation he said guarding our own rights is our first duty.
They have rights who dare maintain them, but rights in the last resort,
could only be maintained by arms.
MacNeill himself would approve of armed resistance only if the British
launched a campaign of repression against Irish nationalist movements,
or if they attempted to impose conscription on Ireland following the
outbreak of the First world war. Such a case he believed that they would
have mass support
The IRB was unable to gain complete control of the organisation,
especially after the leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, John
Redmond, demanded that the Volunteers accept his own personal
appointments to its Provisional Committee, which would effectively place
the organisation under his control. While the moderates did not like the
idea, they were prepared to go along with it in order to prevent Redmond
from forming a rival organisation, which would draw away most of their
support. The IRB was completely opposed to Redmond's demands, as this
would end any chance they had of controlling the Volunteers, but were
unable to prevent the motion from being carried in Redmond's favour.
Arming the Volunteers
Shortly after the formation of the Volunteers, the British Parliament
banned the importation of weapons into Ireland. The "Curragh incident"
in March 1914 indicated that the government could not rely on its army
to ensure a smooth transition to Home Rule. Then in April 1914 the
Ulster Volunteers successfully imported 24,000 rifles in the Larne Gun
Running event. The Irish Volunteers realised that it too would have to
follow suit if they were to be taken as a serious force. Indeed, many
contemporary observers commented on the irony of "loyal" Ulstermen
arming themselves and threatening to defy the British government by
force. Patrick Pearse famously replied that "the Orangeman with a gun is
not as laughable as the nationalist without one." Thus O'Rahilly, Sir
Roger Casement and Bulmer Hobson worked together to coordinate a
daylight gun-running expedition to Howth , just north of Dublin.
The plan worked, and Erskine Childers brought nearly 1,000 rifles,
purchased from Germany, to the harbour on the 26 July and distributed
them to the waiting Volunteers, without interference from the
authorities. The remainder of the guns smuggled from Germany for the
Irish Volunteers were landed at Kilcoole a week later by Sir Thomas
Myles.
As the Volunteers marched from Howth back to Dublin, however, they were
met by a large patrol of the Dublin Metropolitan Police and the British
Army. The Volunteers escaped largely unscathed, but when the army
returned to Dublin they clashed with a group of unarmed civilians who
had been heckling them at Bachelors Walk. Though no order was given, the
soldiers fired on the civilians, killing four and the wounding of a
further 37. This enraged the populace, and during the outcry enlistments
in the Volunteers soared.
The Split
The outbreak of world war in August 1914 provoked a serious split in the
organisation. Redmond, in the interest of ensuring the enactment of the
Home Rule Act 1914 then on the statute books, encouraged the Volunteers
to support the British and Allied war commitment and join Irish
Regiments of the British New Army divisions, an action unsuccessfully
opposed by the founding members. Given the wide expectation that the war
was going to be a short one, the majority however supported the war
effort and the call to restore the "freedom of small nations" on the
European continent. They left to form the National volunteers, which
fought in the 10th and 16th Irish Division, side-by-side with their
volunteer counterparts from the 36th Ulster Division. Unlike the latter,
the 16th Division had no trained military Irish officers of its own, and
were commanded by British officers, with the exception of Irish General
William Hickie. The National Volunteers ceased to exist after the
Armistice in 1918 when their battalions were disbanded in 1922 under the
terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty.
A minority believed that the principles used to justify the Allied war
cause were best applied in restoring the freedom to one small country in
particular. They retained the name "Irish Volunteers", were led by
MacNeill and called for Irish neutrality. The National Volunteers kept
some 175,000 members, leaving the Irish Volunteers with an estimated
13,500. This split proved advantageous to the IRB, which was now back in
a position to control the organisation.
Following the split, the remnants of the Irish Volunteers were often,
and erroneously, referred to as the "Sinn Fein Volunteers", or
"Shinners", afterArthur Griffith's political organisation Sinn fein. The
term began as a derogatory one, but soon became ubiquitous in Ireland.
Although the two organisations had some overlapping membership, there
was no official connection between Griffith's then moderate Sinn Fein
and the Volunteers. The political stance of the remaining Volunteers was
not always popular, and a 1,000-strong march led by Pearse through the
garrison city of Limerick on Whit sunday, 1915, was pelted with rubbish
by a hostile crowd. Pearse explained the reason for the establishment of
the new force when he said in May 1915:
What if conscription be enforced on Ireland? What if a Unionist or a
Coalition British Ministry repudiates the Home Rule Act?
What if it be determined to dismember Ireland? The future is big with
these and other possibilities.
After the departure of Redmond and his followers, the Volunteers adopted
a constitution, which had been drawn up by the earlier provisional
committee, and was ratified by a convention of 160 delegates on 25
October 1914. It called for general council of fifty members to meet
monthly, as well as an executive of the president and eight elected
members. In December a headquarters staff was appointed, consisting of
Eoin MacNeill as chief of staff, The O' Rahilly as director of
arms,Thomas Ma Donagh as director of training, Patrick Pearse as
director of military organization, Bulmer Hobson as quartermaster, and
Joseph Plunkett as director of military operations. The following year
they were joined by Eammonn Ceannt as director of communications and
J.J. O'Connell as chief of inspection.
This reorganization put the IRB is a stronger position, as four
important military positions (director of training, director of military
organization, director of military operations, and director of
communications) were held by men who were, or would soon be, members of
the IRB, and who later become four of the seven signatories of the
Easter Proclamation. (Hobson was also an IRB member, but had a falling
out with the leadership after he supported Redmond's appointees to the
provisional council, and hence played little role in the IRB
thereafter.)
The 1916 Rising
The official stance of the Irish Volunteers was that action would only
be taken were the British authorities at Dublin Castle to attempt to
disarm the Volunteers, arrest their leaders, or introduce conscription
to Ireland. The IRB, however, was determined to use the Volunteers for
offensive action while Britain was tied up in the First World War. Their
plan was to circumvent MacNeill's command, instigating a rising, and to
get MacNeill on board once the rising was a fait accompli.
Pearse issued orders for three days of parades and manoeuvres, a thinly
disguised order for a general insurrection. MacNeill soon discovered the
real intent behind the orders and attempted to stop all actions by the
Volunteers. He succeeded only in putting the Rising off for a day, and
limiting it to about 1,000 active participants within Dublin and a
further 2,000-3,000 elsewhere. Almost all of the fighting was confined
to Dublin. The Irish Citizen army supplied slightly more than 200
personnel for the Dublin campaign.
The Rising was a failure in the short term, and large numbers of Irish
Volunteers were arrested, even some who did not participate in the
Rising. In 1919 the Irish Volunteers became the Irish republican army,
swearing its obedience to the First Dail during the course of August
1920.
------------------------------
>>>>>> Feature: A blueprint for Scottish independence
------------------------------
The Scottish National Party has published a booklet of detailed
proposals for Scottish independence, including the planned independence
day -- Easter Thursday 2016, just days before the 100th anniversary of
Ireland's Easter Rising -- as well as assurances that Scotland would
retain the Sterling currency and the Queen of England as monarch. The
following is the text of SNP leader Alex Salmond's preface to their
independence guide.
------------------------------
Scotland is an ancient nation, renowned for the ingenuity and creativity
of our people, the breathtaking beauty of our land and the brilliance of
our scholars. Our national story has been shaped down the generations by
values of compassion, equality, an unrivalled commitment to the
empowerment of education, and a passion and curiosity for invention that
has helped to shape the world around us. Scots have been at the
forefront of the great moral, political and economic debates of our
times as humanity has searched for progress in the modern age.
It is in that spirit of progress that you will be asked on 18 September
2014
'Should Scotland be an independent country?'
The answer we give to that question will determine how we can shape our
nation for the future. The year ahead should be a national celebration
of who we are and what we could be.
The debate we are engaged in as a nation is about the future of all of
us lucky enough to live in this diverse and vibrant country. It is a
rare and precious moment in the history of Scotland - a once in a
generation opportunity to chart a better way.
At its heart independence is not about this Government or any political
party. It is about a fundamental democratic choice for the people of
Scotland. It is about the power to choose who we should be governed by
and the power to build a country that reflects our priorities as a
society and our values as a people.
I believe in independence because I believe it will be better for all of
us if decisions about Scotland are taken by the people who care most
about Scotland - the people who live and work here. It is my absolute
conviction that Scotland's future should be in Scotland's hands.
I also believe that the bonds of family, friendship, history and culture
between Scotland and the other parts of the British Isles are precious.
England, Wales and Northern Ireland will always be our family, friends
and closest neighbours. But with Scotland as an independent country, our
relationship will be one of equals. I have no doubt that it will
flourish.
I want to be clear about what independence means and why the Scottish
Government is asking you to vote Yes.
The vote in September 2014 is about becoming independent from the
parliamentary union of 1707 and passing to the Scottish Parliament the
powers Westminster has over matters such as taxation, welfare and the
economy, and securing for Scotland our own place in the world as an
independent country.
Last year, in the Edinburgh Agreement, the Scottish and Westminster
Governments agreed to continue to work together constructively in the
light of the outcome of the referendum, whatever it may be, in the best
interests of the people of Scotland and of the rest of the United
Kingdom. That is an important commitment from both Governments. It will
help to ensure a smooth transition of powers from Westminster to
Scotland.
That constructive working together will continue after independence.
We will work in partnership with the rest of the UK to share the pound
for our mutual benefit, but we will pursue a Scottish tax and economic
policy to boost jobs, growth and social justice.
Westminster governments, rejected at the ballot box in Scotland, will no
longer be able to inflict the poll tax or the bedroom tax on the most
vulnerable people in our society.
We will continue to work in partnership with the rest of the UK in
defence alliances to promote peace and security, but we will be able to
remove Trident from Scotland's soil and stop paying towards the #100
billion lifetime cost of a new generation of nuclear weapons.
We will work in partnership with the rest of the UK inside the European
Union. But we will be able to represent Scotland at the top tables of
Europe as a constructive member state and stand up for vital Scottish
interests.
Scotland will remain within the Union of the Crowns with Her Majesty The
Queen as our head of state, but we will have a modern, written
constitution.
And the social ties between Scotland and the rest of the UK will
continue and thrive.
That is the independent Scotland we will negotiate following a Yes vote.
We will do so in time for Scotland to become independent on 24 March
2016 and be ready for the first elections to an independent Scottish
Parliament in the spring of that year.
Of course some would prefer Scotland to become a republic, to leave the
EU or NATO, or to have our own currency. After Scotland becomes
independent, any political party seeking to make these kinds of changes
would first have to win support to do so in an election.
That is the real democratic value of independence - the people of
Scotland are in charge. It will no longer be possible for governments to
be elected and pursue policies against the wishes of the Scottish
people. So other choices can be made, different from those we propose in
this guide - but these will be the choices of the Scottish people.
Independence will put the people of Scotland in charge of our own
destiny.
No-one is suggesting an independent Scotland would not face challenges.
We would be unique if that was not the case.
But we are rich in human talent and natural resources. We are one of the
wealthiest nations in the world. With independence, we can build the
kind of country we want to be.
People down the decades have wondered if a country blessed with such
wealth, talent and resources could and should have done more to realise
the potential we know exists for everyone. Those generations could only
imagine a better Scotland.
Our generation has the opportunity to stop imagining and wondering and
start building the better Scotland we all know is possible.
This is our country. This is Scotland's future. It is time to seize that
future with both hands.
Alex Salmond
http://republican-news.org
Friday-Thursday, 22-28 November, 2013
1. TROOPS RAID HOMES AFTER IRA 'SURGE'
2. Immunity for British killers while IRA veteran is jailed
3. More pressure on Gerry Adams after sentencing of brother
4. UVF behind protest parade - McGuinness
5. 'Nod and wink' culture at heart of charity scandal
6. Larne's crown is king of flags and symbols issue
7. Feature: The Irish Volunteers
8. Feature: A blueprint for Scottish independence
------------------------------
>>>>>> TROOPS RAID HOMES AFTER IRA 'SURGE'
British soldiers have taken part in raids on homes in north Belfast this
week after the chief of the PSNI police warned of a sharp increase in
the activity of breakaway IRA groups.
Matt Baggott spoke out after it was reported that a device left in a car
on Sunday night in Belfast had contained more than 120 pounds of
home-made explosives. A detonation was herd in the car between Musgrave
Street PSNI base, Belfast's largest police barracks, and the Victoria
Square shopping centre car park.
The area had been cleared hours earlier after the driver of the vehicle,
who said he had been forced to transport the keg-style device, raised a
warning. The explosion took place just before midnight and as a British
Army bomb-squad robot approached the vehicle. The car itself was damaged
and the blast was heard across the heart of Belfast, but it did not
damage any other structure.
The device is said to be the first such attack in the city centre for
more than a decade, and one of very few to even partially detonate this
year.
CLAIM
The group known as 'Oglaigh na hEireann' later claimed responsibility.
In a statement to a Belfast newspaper, it said the bomb contained over
150lb of commercial explosives and "was intended to cause maximum damage
to an economic target". It added that it "would continue to target
commercial premises in the future".
Last month the same group was said to be behind a fire-bomb attack which
damaged a discount store in Belfast city centre. At that time, the group
accused the shop of 'exploiting staff' by taking on staff from low-paid
government schemes.
The car bomb incident also took place on the eve of the 100th
anniversary of the founding of the Irish Volunteers [Oglaigh na hEireann
in Irish], the organisation which would ultimately become known as the
IRA.
RAIDS
Later in the week, in scenes associated with the height of the conflict,
uniformed British soldiers and the PSNI joined forces in forming a
raiding party which attacked and arrested north Belfast residents.
The evident return of British soldiers to a street-level role
infuriated Ardoyne republicans and contradicted a vow made by Baggott
in recent weeks when he said that he would not call up British troops
for support because it would "not be good for northern Ireland".
One prominent republican, Alan Lundy, was seized in the raids and taken
to Antrim interrogation centre, while another man, Christopher Headley,
was assaulted amid a violent and destructive invasion of his home.
His daughter and 18-year-old daughter Claire were also assaulted and
verbally abused during the search in Brompton Park. Crown forces forced
their way into the house at 8am with a warrant stating they were
searching for "component parts of bombs, wigs, a patterned dress,
documents, computer equipment and mobile phones". Ms Headley said the
way the search was carried out was "very aggressive and totally
unnecessary".
"At first they refused to show me the warrant. My mum and dad were in
bed and I asked them to wait while I woke them up but they just pushed
me out of the way and came into the house.
"My dad was dragged out into the garden, we tried to tell them he has a
heart condition but they just weren't interested.
"They turned the place upside down and then just left it like that.
Despite the list of things they said they were looking for all they took
was a halloween dress up wig".
'VESTED INTERESTS'
Meanwhile, the PSNI have also re-established road checkpoints in the
greater Belfast area, which they blamed on the possibility of further
attacks, but is also understood to be linked to the threat of loyalist
flag disturbances.
Fianna Fail's Eamon O Cuiv, said he believed "vested interests" were
deliberately exaggerating the threat of republican armed groups.
The former Irish government minister was speaking at a conference on
policing and injustice held in Derry at the weekend. THe said that as
well as being concerned about internment, he was also concerned about
the role of the Crown forces in the north.
"I have to say I am always concerned about the security mindset, I have
obviously had opportunities here to see it close up," he said. "The
second thing is that I do worry that there is a vested interest in
keeping the threat reports at a high level."
He expressed concern about the role of British military intelligence in
so-called 'dirty tricks', citing the example of County Louth republican
Michael Campbell who was arrested in 2008 following an elaborate sting
operation. Mr Campbell spent nearly six years behind bars until his
conviction was overturned on appeal earlier this year.
ALERTS
Meanwhile, bomb alerts have continued in Belfast and elsewhere,
including the discovery of a suspicious object close to the North/South
electricity interconnector. The keg-style device was found near the
village of Crossmaglen in south Armagh on Wednesday, and British army
bomb disposal experts have now spent more than four days dealing with
it.
The interconnector is a high-voltage powerline that transfers
electricity between the powergrids in the north and the 26 Counties. It
was abandoned in 1975 following a number of IRA bomb attacks but was
restored in the mid nineties.
A device found on Sunday in south Belfast also led to PSNI road closures
across a wide area of south and west Belfast, but was later declared a
hoax.
------------------------------
>>>>>> Immunity for British killers while IRA veteran is jailed
Days after self-confessed British Crown force killers were broadcast
justifying the murder of innocent civilians, the jailing of a former IRA
Volunteer for an armed action in 1981 has been described as
"vindictive".
At Belfast Crown Court on Thursday, Armagh man Seamus Kearney was
convicted for an IRA attack in which a member of the RUC police died.
The judge, sitting without a jury under special anti-republican Diplock
legislation, sentenced Mr Kearney to life imprisonment.
Under the terms of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, Mr Kearney will serve
two years before being released on licence.
Following the sentencing, Sinn Fein representative for mid-Ulster Ian
Milne said: "I know Seamus Kearney well. He previously served a long
period of imprisonment for IRA activities.
"The decision to pursue Seamus on these historic charges was wrong,
vindictive, unnecessary and counterproductive."
He added: "It is ironic at a time when the Haass process is coming to a
conclusion in dealing with legacy issues that a republican is being
imprisoned on historic changes.
"It seems that the British government on one hand wants to talk the
language of building a new future here but at the same time is sending a
message that it is continuing to fight old battles.
"Like the previous case of Gerry McGeough, it is our position that
Seamus should be released and allowed to return home to his family."
The DUP's Jeffrey Donaldson hit out at Sinn Fein's reaction, which he
claimed showed "a callous disregard for the suffering and pain inflicted
by the IRA" on the family of the RUC Reservist, John Proctor.
The continuing prosecution of former members of the Provisonal IRA,
nineteen years after that organisation declared a ceasefire, stands in
contrast to the continuing failure of the Stormont system to prosecute
members of the British Crown forces or its murder gangs.
'SHAM'
The family of an 18-year-old Catholic youth shot dead in 1972 by a
secret British Army unit have said this week they have been forced to
take legal action against the British Ministry of Defence (MoD).
Daniel Rooney was gunned down by undercover soldiers from the British
Army's 'Military Reaction Force' at St James's Crescent in west Belfast.
A BBC Panorama documentary, shown last week, carried interviews with
members of the unit, who admitted that they killed members of the
nationalist community even though there was no evidence they were
involved with the IRA.
The Rooney family are to issue civil proceedings against the MoD in
relation to the conduct of their soldiers. Noel Rooney, Daniel's
brother, described the 1973 inquest into his death as a "sham", saying
none of the soldiers involved gave evidence at it. As well as a fresh
inquest he said the family wanted the soldiers responsible to be brought
to court, although he does not think this would happen.
"We would not have any confidence that any of these people would be
prosecuted. We would certainly like to see it happen," he said. "The
family are supportive of anything that will get to the truth and the
[Panorama] programme helped with that.
"It exposed something that we knew all along. My mother wanted Daniel's
complete innocence to be known and wanted a British government apology."
He said his mother, who died several years ago, "never got over" her
son's death.
Mr Rooney said he was shocked that the Military Reaction Force was
"organised at such a senior level". And he said he was appalled by the
"arrogance and ruthlessness" of the soldiers who appeared on the
programme.
"They said they would do it again," he said. "They were quite open and
brazen about it."
------------------------------
>>>>>> UVF behind protest parade - McGuinness
Unionist paramilitaries and elements within the anti-Catholic Orange
Order are behind the mass loyalist parade in Belfast city centre
tomorrow [Saturday, November 30th], Sinn Fein's Martin McGuinness has
said.
Up to 10,000 loyalists and 40 bands are set to join the city centre
protest to mark the anniversary of Belfast City Council's decision to
fly the British Union Jack on designated days only.
Other protests are planned before Christmas, and there are fears the
parade could mark a return of last winter's traffic-snarling roadblocks
and violent disturbances.
A group calling itself 'Loyal Peaceful Protesters' is planning to breach
legally-binding restrictions set by a Parades Commission ruling by
starting their demonstration half an hour after the parade is supposed
to be completely clear of the city centre.
Asked by SDLP leader Alban Maginness whether he believed that tomorrow's
protest and subsequent parades should be called off, the deputy first
minister said he was certain that loyalist paramilitaries were behind
the controversial protest.
"I don't have any doubt as to who is organising this parade -- this
parade is organised by the UVF and is being supported by elements within
the Orange Order," Mr McGuinness said.
The Sinn Fein representative for Derry said everybody involved had a
responsibility to "recognise the importance of discussion and dialogue".
"Yes I think people have made their point but the main point to be made
is that they have a duty to face up to the concerns being expressed on a
consistent basis by the business community in Belfast about how damaging
these protests can be," he said.
"I come from a society that believes people have the right to protest
but in protesting people have to take decisions as to whether or not
that protest is going to contribute to a resolution or an exacerbation
of the problem." He described the continued protests as "very worrying
indeed".
The Police Federation of Northern Ireland also urged the loyalists to
"reconsider their position" in order to allow the PSNI to focus their
efforts on defeating the republican armed groups.
Terry Spence, the federation's chairman, said: "There has been a
consolidation of these disparate dissident republican groups
co-operating more with each other as well as the fact that there is a
drift from mainstream republicanism to the dissident camp."
He warned that policing the parade "will distract well over 1,000 police
officers to deal with the potential fallout from the demonstration".
"Police resources are already stretched, and Saturday will stretch them
to the limit," he added.
------------------------------
>>>>>> 'Nod and wink' culture at heart of charity scandal
A scandal has erupted over the appropriation of funds from Irish
charities and voluntary health agencies after one charity admitted the
pay of its senior staff had been padded with money linked to a
cash-raising lottery.
There have been calls for an urgent government inquiry into the
operation of the Central Remedial Clinic (CRC) after it emerged that
funds are being pocketed by CRC management even as its services are
being cut.
Chief executive Paul Kiely, who received a State salary of 107,000 euro
prior to his retirement, received a "top-up payment" to bring his annual
income to an extraordinary quarter of a million euro ($340,000).
Executives at Irish voluntary organisations typically receive six-figure
State salaries, but a number are allowed to supplement this with
additional "top-up bonuses", normally drawn from the organisation's
operations. The legality of the practice remains a grey area and varies
according to the amounts involved, the terms of written contracts, the
political connections of those involved, and a "nod and wink" level of
corruption.
The director general of the Health Service Executive (HSE) Tony O'Brien
admitted only seven health agencies out of 42 comply with public sector
pay rules, and admitted there was a "nod and wink culture" on the
appropriation of funds. Millions of euro had been diverted into the
pockets of management in so-called top-ups this year, he admitted. When
questioned about the issue, the responses of some of those involved had
been evasive.
"Clearly, we see in some of the responses, evidence of what was perhaps
'a nod and a wink' culture," Mr O'Brien said.
"(A culture) of, 'I've had a word with somebody, they said it would be
alright, I haven't documentation but sure, we'll do it anyway'. That
clearly has to be consigned to history."
The payments controversy initially came to light after health watchdog
Hiqa discovered last year that a manager at Tallaght Hospital had been
in receipt of an additional 150,000 euro in questionable payments since
2005.
Earlier this month, it emerged that boss of Crumlin Children's hospital
gets a private 30,000 euro 'top up' payment taken from the proceeds of a
hospital shop. And last week, Rhona Mahony, the top doctor at the
National Maternity Hospital at Holles Street, defended her receipt of
additional payments, which she described as 'private fees'.
This week, Mr O'Brien confirmed that he may be seeking an additional 300
million euro to maintain the operations of the HSE.
The Irish Labour Party, which is holding its annual party conference
this weekend, admitted it was embarrassed by the money grab of health
and voluntary sector insiders while savage cutbacks are being
implemented in the health services.
Speaking at the conference in Killarney, Minister for Social Protection
Joan Burton said revelations about the use of donated and other funds to
top-up salaries were "extremely disturbing". Charitable donations should
not be used to fund "lavish salaries", she added.
------------------------------
>>>>>> More pressure on Gerry Adams after sentencing of brother
Sinn Fein has lashed out at what it said were attempts to use the
conviction and sentencing of Liam Adams, brother of Gerry Adams, to
smear its party leader.
Liam Adams was given a 16-year jail term this week for raping and
abusing his daughter Aine, beginning when she was just four years old,
in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
The trial heard that her attempts to raise the matter with the then RUC
police were met with an attempt by the RUC to recruit her as an informer
against her uncle.
Gerry Adams has also been accused of failing to bring the matter to the
attention of the RUC. But in an extraordinary intervention into the
matter on Wednesday, Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin compared Sinn
Fein's handling of internal sex abuse cases to that of the Catholic
Church.
He also claimed that Gerry Adams was aware of two other criminal matters
which had been dealt with internally by republicans. "From information
we have picked up, and we have talked to other people, this may have
been a broader trend in the republican movement," he said.
"Just like the [Catholic] Church, the republican movement saw the
institution of the republican movement as more important than individual
victims."
The Fianna Fail leader declined to elaborate on the two cases. Sinn Fein
deputy leader Mary Lou McDonald described the remarks as disgraceful and
totally untrue.
"The question needs to be asked of Deputy Martin as to when he received
this information and has he passed it on to gardai?" she said.
"Or is the reality that Deputy Martin will seek to use any issue, no
matter how difficult for those directly involved, to try and score cheap
political points?"
Mr Adams has endured a difficult time in recent weeks, condemned by
almost all of the establishment media, as well as by some republicans,
for not doing more to bring his brother to justice or to admit a past
role in the Provisional IRA.
In a tweet on Wednesday night, the Sinn Fein leader accused Mr Martin of
being "completely out of order" and of reaching a "new low" in the
controversy.
And in a subsequent statement, Mary Lou McDonald said the Fianna Fail
leader had attempting to smear Mr Adams. She said he had testified at
length at his brother's trial, and answered "all of the questions" put
to him on the matter.
Ms McDonald told RTE state radio that Mr Martin was "cynically and very,
very deliberately" using the trial of his brother to attack Mr Adams,
but was also causing considerable distress to his wider family.
She urged the media and Sinn Fein's opponents to give a respectful space
to the family to allow them to come to terms with everything that has
unfolded.
------------------------------
>>>>>> Larne's crown is king of flags and symbols issue
A gigantic metal crown erected on a roundabout without planning
permission in Larne, County Antrim, is to remain for another two years
at least, the Stormont administration has said.
The issue of flags and symbols are among the topics currently under
discussion as part of a talks process under US mediator Richard Haass,
but few of the symbols in the north of Ireland are as large as Larne's
roundabout crown.
Although it has a growing Catholic community and serves as a major
transit point for those arriving or leaving Ireland by ferry, the
loyalist citadel remains synonymous with fervent anti-Catholic
sectarianism.
Unionist-dominated Larne Borough Council installed the eight-metre high
crown in the middle of the Circular Road roundabout last year,
ostensibly to mark the 'jubilee' of English queen Elizabeth Windsor.
Erected without the necessary planning approval, the Six-County
Department of the Environment this week granted temporary planning
permission to the steel structure.
Larne council chief executive Geraldine McGahey was told before it was
constructed that it was not permitted development, but that work
proceeded on the basis that approval was "unlikely to be denied".
"We had a discussion with [the planning authority] and made a decision
based on information they supplied to us," she said.
The crown was opposed by Sinn Fein on grounds of equality, but the
SDLP's Mark H. Durkan, Six-County Minister of the Environment, agreed to
give temporary planning approval. His department said the council had
given a commitment that the structure would be removed from the
roundabout in two years time.
FLAGS FEARS
Meanwhile, a number of Belfast council workers have claimed they feel
the council is putting them "at risk by not removing Irish tricolours
from one of their depots.
It is not clear who erected the Irish flags at the Springfield Avenue
depot in northwest Belfast, but they appeared after British flags were
put up at other council depots.
One employee who works at the Springfield Avenue depot said the tensions
began in June this year when Union Jacks went up on a depot in Agnes
Street, closer to the city centre.
"Tricolours then appeared on some of the depots and it escalated from
that," he said.
"Nobody seems to know who is putting them up, but somebody must be doing
it. After the flags went up, some pictures appeared on Facebook, that's
when the intimidation really started. People were commenting saying
'burn the scum', 'burn them out', 'burn the depot down'.
"There were pictures of people outside the depot during the night with
loyalist flags but it got a lot more serious when one of the guys got a
death threat.
"He got a bullet and a sympathy card in the post. He had to go off on
the sick and now he is living on his nerves."
------------------------------
>>>>>> Feature: The Irish Volunteers
------------------------------
The Irish Volunteers, the organisation which would later lead to
the IRA, was publicly launched 100 years ago this week.
------------------------------
Irish (National) Volunteers, a militia founded 25 November 1913 at the
Rotunda in Dublin They were founded as a direct response to the UVF
(Ulster Volunteer Force, founded 1912). The UVF opposed Home Rule for
Ireland and wished to maintain the union with Britain. To ensure that
Home Rule would be resisted they were prepared to fight, hence the
foundation in 1913 of the militant UVF.
The Irish Volunteers was a military organisation established in 1913 by
Irish nationalists. It was ostensibly formed in response to the
formation of the Ulster Volunteers in 1912, and its declared primary aim
was "to secure and maintain the rights and liberties common to the whole
people of Ireland." The Volunteers included members of the Gaelic
League, Ancient Order of Hibernians and Sinn Fein and, secretly, the
IRB. The Volunteers fought for Irish independence in 1916\0x2032s Easter
Rising, and were joined by the Irish Citizen Army, Cumann na mBan and
Fianna Eireann to form the Irish Republican Army.
Background
Home Rule for Ireland dominated political debate between the two
countries since Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone introduced the
first Home Rule Bill in 1886, which was rejected by the House of
Commons. The second Home Rule Bill, seven years later having passed the
House of Commons, was vetoed by the House of Lords. It would be the
third Home Rule Bill, introduced in 1912, which would lead to the crisis
in Ireland between the majority Nationalist population and the Unionists
in Ulster.
On 28 September 1912 at Belfast City Hall almost 250,000 Unionists
signed the Solemn League and Covenant to resist the granting of Home
Rule. This was followed in January 1913 with the formation of the Ulster
Volunteers composed of adult male Unionists to oppose the passage and
implementation of the bill by force of arms if necessary.
Initiative
The initiative for a series of meetings leading up to the public
inauguration of the Volunteers came from the Irish Republican
Brotherhood (IRB). Bulmer Hobson, co-founder of the republican
boy-scouts, Fianna Eireann, and member of the Irish Republican
Brotherhood, believed the IRB should use the formation of the Ulster
Volunteers as an "excuse to try to persuade the public to form an Irish
volunteer force". The IRB could not move in the direction of a Volunteer
force themselves, as action by known physical force men would be
stopped, despite the precedent established by the Ulster Volunteers.
They therefore confined themselves to encouraging the view that
Nationalists also ought to organize a Volunteer Force for the defence of
Ireland. A small committee then began to meet regularly in Dublin from
July, 1913, who watched the growth of this opinion.They refrained
however from any action until the precedent of Ulster should have first
been established while waiting for the lead to come from a
"constitutional" quarter.
The IRB began the preparations for the open organisation of the Irish
Volunteers in January 1913. James Stritch, an IRB member, had the Irish
National Foresters build a hall at the back of 41 Parnell Square in
Dublin, which was the headquarters of the Wolfe Tone Clubs. Anticipating
the formation of the Volunteers they began to learn foot-drill and
military movements. The drilling was conducted by Stritch together with
members of Fianna Eireann. They began by drilling a small number of IRB
associated with the Dublin Gaelic Athletic Association, led by Harry
Boland.
Michael Collins along with several other IRB members claim that the
formation of the Irish Volunteers was not merely a "knee-jerk reaction"
to the Ulster Volunteers, which is often supposed, but was in fact the
"old Irish Republican Brotherhood in fuller force.
"The North Began"
The IRB knew they would need a highly regarded figure as a public front
that would conceal the reality of their control. The IRB found Eoin
MacNeill the ideal candidate, Professor of Early and Medieval History at
University College Dublin. McNeill's academic credentials and reputation
for integrity and political moderation had widespread appeal.
The O'Rahilly, assistant editor and circulation manager of the Gaelic
League newspaper An Claidheamh Soluis encouraged MacNeill to write an
article for the first issue of a new series of articles for the paper.
The O'Rahilly suggested to MacNeill that it should be on some wider
subject than mere Gaelic pursuits. It was this suggestion which gave
rise to the article entitled The North Began, giving the Irish
Volunteers its public origins. On 1 November, MacNeill's article
suggesting the formation of an Irish volunteer force was published.
MacNeill wrote:
There is nothing to prevent the other twenty-eight counties from calling
into existence citizen forces to hold Ireland "for the Empire". It was
precisely with this object that the Volunteers of 1782 were enrolled,
and they became the instrument of establishing Irish self-government.
After the article was published, Hobson asked The O'Rahilly to see
MacNeill, to suggest to him that a conference should be called in order
to make arrangements for publicly starting the new movement. The article
"threw down the gauntlet to nationalists to follow the lead given by
Ulster unionists." MacNeill was unaware of the detailed planning which
was going on in the background, but was aware of Hobson's political
leanings. He knew the purpose as to why he was chosen, but he was
determined not to be a puppet.
Launch
With MacNeill willing to take part, O'Rahilly and Hobson sent out
invitations for the first meeting at Wynn's Hotel in Abbey Street,
Dublin, on November 11. Hobson himself did not attend this meeting,
believing his standing as an "extreme nationalist" might prove
problematical.The IRB, however, was well represented by, among others,
Sean MacDermott and Eamonn Ceannt, who would prove to be substantially
more extreme than Hobson. Several others meetings were soon to follow,
as prominent nationalists planned the formation of the Volunteers, under
the leadership of MacNeill. Meanwhile, labour leaders in Dublin began
calling for the establishment of a citizens' defence force in the
aftermath of the lock out of 19 August 1913. Thus formed the Irish
Citizen Army, led by James Connolly, which, though it had similar aims,
had no connection with the Irish Volunteers.
The Volunteer organisation was publicly launched on 25 November, with
their first public meeting and enrollment rally at the Rotunda in
Dublin. The IRB organised this meeting to which all parties were
invited, and brought 5000 enlistment blanks for distribution and handed
out in books of one hundred each to each ot the stewards. Every one of
the stewards and officials wore on their lapel a small silken bow the
center of which was white, while on one side was green and on the other
side orange and had long been recognized as the colors which the Irish
Republican Brotherhood had adopted as the Irish national banner. The
hall was filled to its 4,000 person capacity, with a further 3,000
spilling onto the grounds outside. Speakers at the rally included
MacNeill, Patrick Pearse, and Michael Davitt, son of the Land League
founder of the same name. Over the course of the following months the
movement spread throughout the country, with thousands more joining
every week.
Organization and leadership
The names of those who were members of the governing Committee of the
Volunteers from November 1913 to October 1914, exclusive of Redmond's 25
nominees who only functioned between mid-June to mid-September 1914
were:
Honourable Secretaries: Eoin Mac Neill (Gaelic League (GL)), Laurence J.
Kettle (Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), Ancient Order of
Hibernians(AOH));
Honourable Treasurers: The O'Rahilly (GL, Sinn Fein (SF)), John Gore
(AOH, IPP);
Members: Piaras Beaslai (Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB)), Sir Roger
Casement (GL), Eamonn Ceannt (IRB, GL, SF), John Fitzgibbon (GL, SF),
Liam Gogan, Bulmer Hobson(IRB, Fianna Eireann (FE)), Michael J. Judge
(AOH), Thomas Kettle (IPP, AOH), James Lenehan (AOH), Michael Lonergan
(IRB, Fianna Eireann (FE)), Peter (Peadar) Macken (IRB, Labour leader,
SF, GL), Sean Mac Diarmada (IRB,Irish Freedom), Thomas MacDonagh(IRB),
Liam Mellows (IRB), Col. Maurice Moore (IPP, GL, Connaught Rangers),
Seamus O'Connor (IRB), Colm O'Loughlin (IRB, St. Enda's School (SES)),
Peter O'Reilly (Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH)), Robert Page (IRB,
Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA)), Patrick Pearse (IRB, GL, SES),
Joseph M. Plunkett (IRB, Irish Review), John Walsh (AOH), Peter White
(Celtic Literary Society);
Fianna Eireann representatives: Con Colbert (IRB), Eamon Martin (IRB),
Patrick O'Riain (IRB).
When the thirty member Provisional Committee was finalized, the addition
of several new IRB members brought their total within the Committee to
twelve. The IRB then specifically brought Liam Mellows to Dublin to
strengthen the Fianna representation and they were eventually to recruit
Pearse, Plunkett and MacDonagh, and thus hold over half the strength of
the Committee. This brought the IRB representation to 16 with the rest
of the committee being represented by both Redmondites and Sinn Feiners,
among others
The manifesto of the Volunteers, approved at the 25 November meeting,
stated the organisation's objectives were "to secure and maintain the
rights and liberties common to the whole people of Ireland." To train,
arm, equip and discipline themselves for the above purpose while uniting
Irishmen of every creed, party and class. Though the "rights and
liberties" were never defined, nor the means by which they would be
obtained, the IRB in the Fenian tradition construed the term to mean the
maintenance of the rights of Ireland to national independence and to
secure that right in arms.
The manifesto further stated that their duties were to be defensive,
contemplating neither "aggression or domination". MacNeill offered his
opinion in the article The North Began that the Tory policy in Ulster,
was deliberately adopted to make the display of military force with the
threat of armed violence the decisive factor in relations between
Ireland and Great Britain. If Irishmen accepted this new policy he said
they would be surrendering their rights as men and citizens. If they did
not attempt to defeat this policy "we become politically the most
degraded population in Europe and no longer worthy of the name of Nation
..." In this situation he said guarding our own rights is our first duty.
They have rights who dare maintain them, but rights in the last resort,
could only be maintained by arms.
MacNeill himself would approve of armed resistance only if the British
launched a campaign of repression against Irish nationalist movements,
or if they attempted to impose conscription on Ireland following the
outbreak of the First world war. Such a case he believed that they would
have mass support
The IRB was unable to gain complete control of the organisation,
especially after the leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, John
Redmond, demanded that the Volunteers accept his own personal
appointments to its Provisional Committee, which would effectively place
the organisation under his control. While the moderates did not like the
idea, they were prepared to go along with it in order to prevent Redmond
from forming a rival organisation, which would draw away most of their
support. The IRB was completely opposed to Redmond's demands, as this
would end any chance they had of controlling the Volunteers, but were
unable to prevent the motion from being carried in Redmond's favour.
Arming the Volunteers
Shortly after the formation of the Volunteers, the British Parliament
banned the importation of weapons into Ireland. The "Curragh incident"
in March 1914 indicated that the government could not rely on its army
to ensure a smooth transition to Home Rule. Then in April 1914 the
Ulster Volunteers successfully imported 24,000 rifles in the Larne Gun
Running event. The Irish Volunteers realised that it too would have to
follow suit if they were to be taken as a serious force. Indeed, many
contemporary observers commented on the irony of "loyal" Ulstermen
arming themselves and threatening to defy the British government by
force. Patrick Pearse famously replied that "the Orangeman with a gun is
not as laughable as the nationalist without one." Thus O'Rahilly, Sir
Roger Casement and Bulmer Hobson worked together to coordinate a
daylight gun-running expedition to Howth , just north of Dublin.
The plan worked, and Erskine Childers brought nearly 1,000 rifles,
purchased from Germany, to the harbour on the 26 July and distributed
them to the waiting Volunteers, without interference from the
authorities. The remainder of the guns smuggled from Germany for the
Irish Volunteers were landed at Kilcoole a week later by Sir Thomas
Myles.
As the Volunteers marched from Howth back to Dublin, however, they were
met by a large patrol of the Dublin Metropolitan Police and the British
Army. The Volunteers escaped largely unscathed, but when the army
returned to Dublin they clashed with a group of unarmed civilians who
had been heckling them at Bachelors Walk. Though no order was given, the
soldiers fired on the civilians, killing four and the wounding of a
further 37. This enraged the populace, and during the outcry enlistments
in the Volunteers soared.
The Split
The outbreak of world war in August 1914 provoked a serious split in the
organisation. Redmond, in the interest of ensuring the enactment of the
Home Rule Act 1914 then on the statute books, encouraged the Volunteers
to support the British and Allied war commitment and join Irish
Regiments of the British New Army divisions, an action unsuccessfully
opposed by the founding members. Given the wide expectation that the war
was going to be a short one, the majority however supported the war
effort and the call to restore the "freedom of small nations" on the
European continent. They left to form the National volunteers, which
fought in the 10th and 16th Irish Division, side-by-side with their
volunteer counterparts from the 36th Ulster Division. Unlike the latter,
the 16th Division had no trained military Irish officers of its own, and
were commanded by British officers, with the exception of Irish General
William Hickie. The National Volunteers ceased to exist after the
Armistice in 1918 when their battalions were disbanded in 1922 under the
terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty.
A minority believed that the principles used to justify the Allied war
cause were best applied in restoring the freedom to one small country in
particular. They retained the name "Irish Volunteers", were led by
MacNeill and called for Irish neutrality. The National Volunteers kept
some 175,000 members, leaving the Irish Volunteers with an estimated
13,500. This split proved advantageous to the IRB, which was now back in
a position to control the organisation.
Following the split, the remnants of the Irish Volunteers were often,
and erroneously, referred to as the "Sinn Fein Volunteers", or
"Shinners", afterArthur Griffith's political organisation Sinn fein. The
term began as a derogatory one, but soon became ubiquitous in Ireland.
Although the two organisations had some overlapping membership, there
was no official connection between Griffith's then moderate Sinn Fein
and the Volunteers. The political stance of the remaining Volunteers was
not always popular, and a 1,000-strong march led by Pearse through the
garrison city of Limerick on Whit sunday, 1915, was pelted with rubbish
by a hostile crowd. Pearse explained the reason for the establishment of
the new force when he said in May 1915:
What if conscription be enforced on Ireland? What if a Unionist or a
Coalition British Ministry repudiates the Home Rule Act?
What if it be determined to dismember Ireland? The future is big with
these and other possibilities.
After the departure of Redmond and his followers, the Volunteers adopted
a constitution, which had been drawn up by the earlier provisional
committee, and was ratified by a convention of 160 delegates on 25
October 1914. It called for general council of fifty members to meet
monthly, as well as an executive of the president and eight elected
members. In December a headquarters staff was appointed, consisting of
Eoin MacNeill as chief of staff, The O' Rahilly as director of
arms,Thomas Ma Donagh as director of training, Patrick Pearse as
director of military organization, Bulmer Hobson as quartermaster, and
Joseph Plunkett as director of military operations. The following year
they were joined by Eammonn Ceannt as director of communications and
J.J. O'Connell as chief of inspection.
This reorganization put the IRB is a stronger position, as four
important military positions (director of training, director of military
organization, director of military operations, and director of
communications) were held by men who were, or would soon be, members of
the IRB, and who later become four of the seven signatories of the
Easter Proclamation. (Hobson was also an IRB member, but had a falling
out with the leadership after he supported Redmond's appointees to the
provisional council, and hence played little role in the IRB
thereafter.)
The 1916 Rising
The official stance of the Irish Volunteers was that action would only
be taken were the British authorities at Dublin Castle to attempt to
disarm the Volunteers, arrest their leaders, or introduce conscription
to Ireland. The IRB, however, was determined to use the Volunteers for
offensive action while Britain was tied up in the First World War. Their
plan was to circumvent MacNeill's command, instigating a rising, and to
get MacNeill on board once the rising was a fait accompli.
Pearse issued orders for three days of parades and manoeuvres, a thinly
disguised order for a general insurrection. MacNeill soon discovered the
real intent behind the orders and attempted to stop all actions by the
Volunteers. He succeeded only in putting the Rising off for a day, and
limiting it to about 1,000 active participants within Dublin and a
further 2,000-3,000 elsewhere. Almost all of the fighting was confined
to Dublin. The Irish Citizen army supplied slightly more than 200
personnel for the Dublin campaign.
The Rising was a failure in the short term, and large numbers of Irish
Volunteers were arrested, even some who did not participate in the
Rising. In 1919 the Irish Volunteers became the Irish republican army,
swearing its obedience to the First Dail during the course of August
1920.
------------------------------
>>>>>> Feature: A blueprint for Scottish independence
------------------------------
The Scottish National Party has published a booklet of detailed
proposals for Scottish independence, including the planned independence
day -- Easter Thursday 2016, just days before the 100th anniversary of
Ireland's Easter Rising -- as well as assurances that Scotland would
retain the Sterling currency and the Queen of England as monarch. The
following is the text of SNP leader Alex Salmond's preface to their
independence guide.
------------------------------
Scotland is an ancient nation, renowned for the ingenuity and creativity
of our people, the breathtaking beauty of our land and the brilliance of
our scholars. Our national story has been shaped down the generations by
values of compassion, equality, an unrivalled commitment to the
empowerment of education, and a passion and curiosity for invention that
has helped to shape the world around us. Scots have been at the
forefront of the great moral, political and economic debates of our
times as humanity has searched for progress in the modern age.
It is in that spirit of progress that you will be asked on 18 September
2014
'Should Scotland be an independent country?'
The answer we give to that question will determine how we can shape our
nation for the future. The year ahead should be a national celebration
of who we are and what we could be.
The debate we are engaged in as a nation is about the future of all of
us lucky enough to live in this diverse and vibrant country. It is a
rare and precious moment in the history of Scotland - a once in a
generation opportunity to chart a better way.
At its heart independence is not about this Government or any political
party. It is about a fundamental democratic choice for the people of
Scotland. It is about the power to choose who we should be governed by
and the power to build a country that reflects our priorities as a
society and our values as a people.
I believe in independence because I believe it will be better for all of
us if decisions about Scotland are taken by the people who care most
about Scotland - the people who live and work here. It is my absolute
conviction that Scotland's future should be in Scotland's hands.
I also believe that the bonds of family, friendship, history and culture
between Scotland and the other parts of the British Isles are precious.
England, Wales and Northern Ireland will always be our family, friends
and closest neighbours. But with Scotland as an independent country, our
relationship will be one of equals. I have no doubt that it will
flourish.
I want to be clear about what independence means and why the Scottish
Government is asking you to vote Yes.
The vote in September 2014 is about becoming independent from the
parliamentary union of 1707 and passing to the Scottish Parliament the
powers Westminster has over matters such as taxation, welfare and the
economy, and securing for Scotland our own place in the world as an
independent country.
Last year, in the Edinburgh Agreement, the Scottish and Westminster
Governments agreed to continue to work together constructively in the
light of the outcome of the referendum, whatever it may be, in the best
interests of the people of Scotland and of the rest of the United
Kingdom. That is an important commitment from both Governments. It will
help to ensure a smooth transition of powers from Westminster to
Scotland.
That constructive working together will continue after independence.
We will work in partnership with the rest of the UK to share the pound
for our mutual benefit, but we will pursue a Scottish tax and economic
policy to boost jobs, growth and social justice.
Westminster governments, rejected at the ballot box in Scotland, will no
longer be able to inflict the poll tax or the bedroom tax on the most
vulnerable people in our society.
We will continue to work in partnership with the rest of the UK in
defence alliances to promote peace and security, but we will be able to
remove Trident from Scotland's soil and stop paying towards the #100
billion lifetime cost of a new generation of nuclear weapons.
We will work in partnership with the rest of the UK inside the European
Union. But we will be able to represent Scotland at the top tables of
Europe as a constructive member state and stand up for vital Scottish
interests.
Scotland will remain within the Union of the Crowns with Her Majesty The
Queen as our head of state, but we will have a modern, written
constitution.
And the social ties between Scotland and the rest of the UK will
continue and thrive.
That is the independent Scotland we will negotiate following a Yes vote.
We will do so in time for Scotland to become independent on 24 March
2016 and be ready for the first elections to an independent Scottish
Parliament in the spring of that year.
Of course some would prefer Scotland to become a republic, to leave the
EU or NATO, or to have our own currency. After Scotland becomes
independent, any political party seeking to make these kinds of changes
would first have to win support to do so in an election.
That is the real democratic value of independence - the people of
Scotland are in charge. It will no longer be possible for governments to
be elected and pursue policies against the wishes of the Scottish
people. So other choices can be made, different from those we propose in
this guide - but these will be the choices of the Scottish people.
Independence will put the people of Scotland in charge of our own
destiny.
No-one is suggesting an independent Scotland would not face challenges.
We would be unique if that was not the case.
But we are rich in human talent and natural resources. We are one of the
wealthiest nations in the world. With independence, we can build the
kind of country we want to be.
People down the decades have wondered if a country blessed with such
wealth, talent and resources could and should have done more to realise
the potential we know exists for everyone. Those generations could only
imagine a better Scotland.
Our generation has the opportunity to stop imagining and wondering and
start building the better Scotland we all know is possible.
This is our country. This is Scotland's future. It is time to seize that
future with both hands.
Alex Salmond
The Rebel song tradition is explored by Frank Harte who was born in Dublin and trained as an architect. His introduction to traditional Irish songs came from a chance meeting at a fair in Boyle, Co. Roscommon in the 1940s with a member of Ireland’s ‘travelling’ community who was singing and selling his ballad sheets. Since that chance encounter Frank has been obsessed with songs that tell stories. Over the years he has collected a phenomenal number of Irish ballads that reflect the culture and politics of Ireland.
