Saturday 15 June 2013

STOP THE INTERNMENT TORTURE OF 63 YEAR OLD MARTIN COREY





Imagine if you will, being taken from your home, without a reason or charge, by paramilitary police, who regularly collude in the murder of lawyers and journalists. You are then imprisoned for three years, without being told, how long you will remain kidnapped, by these scum state thugs.

When a judge is informed about the details of your kidnap, he orders your immediate release. You are taken to the front gate to be released, where you are about to embrace your loved ones, when another dictatorial order, from an unelected English Viceroyal, who inherited her appointed position, from her great, great grandfather, who disappeared millions of your people in a holocaust, orders your kidnap perhaps for the rest of your life, again.

Is this mental torture ? Is this a breach of your human rights. In the instance of Martin Corey, bearing in mind the trauma and his elderly 63 years, it may well be in fact a death sentence, with the history of considerable torture, suffered previously by Martin, at the hands, boots and batons of sectarian state kidnappers who imprison you. The last time Britain introduced internment without trial in the early 1970's, Britain was found guilty by the European Court of Human Rights of torture, when Martin Corey was also battered and tortured, at that time. 

Now 40 years later, they are torturing him again, refusing dental treatment for weeks on end of agony, while his handicraft wooden work, is smashed by sectarian prison guards. How then can there be peace, with such injustice in British Occupied Ireland? How can the Peace Process work, with the British Tories systematically undermining and breaching it? 


With British internment without trial last time, the Nationalist Constitutional Party of the SDLP, was forced to withdraw from a parliament, dubbed by their arrogant scum state establishment, as a Protestant Parliament for Protestant people. How then can a supposed Irish Republican Party, now stay in the very same Parliament, even when their own peace loving members, the latest being John Downey, are also being imprisoned for activity, part of the settlement, long before the Agreement.

The internment of Marian Price, like the internment of Martin Corey, demonstrated further divisions in the criminal justice system in British Occupied Ireland, following the devolution of policing and the criminal justice framework agreed, after the Hillsborough Agreement of 2010, which was all part of the Peace Process. 

Marian's case demonstrated the ongoing, all embracing, dictatorial power, of the English Viceroyal for British Occupied Ireland, in matters of social control and in controversial internment cases, such as Martin Corey. The reliance by the British on closed material procedures, in alleged terrorist cases, is simply internment without trial and of particular concern to human rights groups, in that the Parole Commissioners, are not members of an independent judiciary in British Occupied Ireland, but are in fact British appointed officers, who were the internment agents, determining the conditions in the first instance.

The role of the Parole Commissioners in Marian and Martin's case and their lack of accountability and authority, should have been put to the scrutiny of the Political Stormont Assembly Justice Committee of the Peace Process a long time ago. The Parole Commissioners in effect gave authority to the decision of judges made years ago, that Marian Price and Martin Corey should be released on bail pending investigations of the PSNI.

It was these decision that the the Viceroyal for British Occupied Ireland ignored, in evoking dictatorial powers, in relation to categories of individuals released or interned under cover of licence, thereby directly interfering with the independence of the judiciary of British Occupied Ireland, who ruled years ago, that both Marian and Martin Corey should be released.

The powers that could have released Marian Price on compassionate grounds, were not exercised or supported by the supposed Minister of Justice, who misled the Stormont Assembly and the public, after being bullied by MI5 and sectarian power brokers in the Assembly. 

David Ford therefore exacerbated the medical and psychological conditions of both Marion Price and the elderly Martin Corey, as their internment was illegally prolonged,without charge or a time frame, which after three years in Martin Corey's instance, is mental torture and a blatant breach of his human rights, even by the tinpot dictatorial standards of Viceroyal kidnap, in British Occupied Ireland. 

Martin Corey is a fragile old man, who did his bit for his country years ago, like our recently deceased Ruairí Ó Brádaigh. He is a patriot in every sense of the word, of war that had a peace Agreement which the British signed. Only someone acquainted with the extreme sectarianism around Portadown and Lurgan, would understand Martin's heroic, selfless defence of his community, threatened with extinction like the destruction of Bombay Street 40 years ago.

Martin in his old age, deserves respect, along with the peace and justice he craves for his community threatened with extinction, by the very same discredited forces of the disbanded RUC, that he guarded with his life, so zealously and paid so dearly, with 22 long years of imprisonment, torture and abuse by the British regime, found guilty at the European Court. of Human Rights in Strasbourg.

Enough is enough, the supremacist British Tories and their sectarian, fascist Orange Order prison regime, have had their pound of flesh, many times over with Martin already. Before the funeral of Ruairí Ó Brádaigh last week, Martin spent 19 years, before being interned for the last three years, lovingly, hand carving a Celtic cross, as a mark of the esteem, which he held Ruairi, during those long years of hardship. 

The photo of this presentation to Ruairí, is the only possible flimsy evidence of Martin engaged in anything remotely political. I am asking all people with compassion, across the sectarian divide, who have respect for their elders, a sense of fairplay and international standards of justice, to campaign on twitter and facebook internationally for Martin Corey. Campaign to Release Martin Corey. Do it for a lasting Peace with Justice in ireland. 

G8 DRONES REVEAL ORANGE ORDER SEX PREDATOR British Occupied Ireland








Female Loyalist Sexual Predators:

 A Veiled Epidemic: “What is going 

on here?”


 And, perhaps most critically: “Is this


the tip of the iceberg?”


Basically,  'yes, it is the tip of the iceberg.' It's also fair to ask: 'How do we know?' It is difficult to know exactly, because loyalist female sexual predators, has been a politically incorrect topic and as a result, hidden from public view in British Occupied Ireland. 

However, we do know from professionals who have worked in the area, that they  universally acknowledge, massive under reporting by the boy and girl victims of female sexual predators and even when reports of female sexual molestation become public, they are met with disbelief by parents and RUC/PSNI paramilitary police. 

We do have sufficient researched evidence, with estimates that 25% of Loyalist sexual predators are female and well documented case reports to show, that there is a serious social problem which requires immediate public attention but there has been a massive cover-up in British Occupied Ireland. 

Perhaps with the arrival of the drones more will be revealed. However the problem starts, when the British SS gets hold of the information, because traditionally instead of prosecuting, they use the material, for political blackmail, to fit the British colonial agenda in Ireland to enslave their political, judicial, media and policing slaves.

It has become increasingly clear, that the veiled epidemic of female sexual predators, can no longer be hidden and must be brought into full public light to serve as a call for social change, particularly among the incestuous Orange order, with several studies reporting, female predator rates of over 50%. Perhaps now that the RUC/PSNI paramilitary have their drones, they can be put to proper use and check what exactly these loyalist women are doing, particularly at night.


                          www.releasemartincorey.com

Friday 14 June 2013

G8 Lough Erne 2013 BRITISH OCCUPIED IRELAND http://bit.ly/13J... on Twitpic

G8 Lough Erne 2013 BRITISH OCCUPIED IRELAND http://bit.ly/13J... on Twitpic:

'via Blog this'


JULIAN ASSANGE British Internment : Video ; Interview









No justice for Martin Corey
Martin Corey is a 63 year-old-man imprisoned in the north of Ireland.

Martin Corey.

On April 16, 2010, Martin’s house in Lurgan was visited by members of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and Martin was arrested.
When he queried what the charges were, Martin was told that the police officers “did not know”. And that all they were told was to arrest Martin.
Martin Corey is a Republican who, in his youth fought against the foreign occupation of his native land. It was during this struggle for freedom that Martin Corey was charged with the murder of two members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the forerunner of the PSNI. Martin was found guilty of the charge and sentenced to life imprisonment in December 1973.
Martin served just short of the next 19 years behind bars; he was released in June 1992.
Martin Corey did not sign any documents imposing conditions on his release.
Martin returned to Lurgan, where he set up a successful business as the local grave digger, formed a long-term relationship and settled down to a peaceful life. That was until his arrest in 2010. Martin Corey is still in prison and he still does not know what the charges against him are. Martin’s legal team also do not know what the charges are and neither does any judge hearing the case against Martin, because according to the Northern Ireland Office (NIO), he is being held on “Undisclosed or Secret Charges”. A special advocate, appointed by the NIO, can view the evidence and tell the judge what they can do. This makes a mockery of the judicial system when a politician, unelected in the North of Ireland, can make the rules regarding a person’s freedom. Martin Corey is selectively interned by an unjust British system.
Martin Corey is entitled as a life sentence prisoner to a parole hearing every 12 months; this is continually adjourned or not even scheduled. And the conditions that Martin is being kept under are a disgrace. Mail being kept from him for weeks at a time, prison craft that he has made, smashed by vindictive prison officers, as well as being denied proper medical or dental treatment in a reasonable time.
In May 2012, Martin appealed his imprisonment based on the fact he had not been charged with any crime nor had he been brought before a judge. Justice Treacey heard the appeal and in his verdict stated that Martin’s human rights had been breached and ordered Martin Corey be released immediately and placed no conditions on the release.
Martin returned to Maghaberry Prison to pack his belongings, his family travelled from Lurgan to pick him up and to take him home. It was whilst Martin was waiting in the prison reception that prison officers informed him that the Secretary of State had ordered him returned to the cells. The NIO had appealed Justice Treacey’s decision, but only after the Justice had boarded a plane and was about to leave the country, otherwise Justice Treacey would have had to hear any appeals. With Treacey out of the way a patsy of the British NIO upheld their appeal and hence Martin was returned to the cells.
When Martin’s legal team found out they immediately launched legal action against the appeal by the NIO, but to no avail. Martin finally got to appeal the decision in the High Court on July 11, more than six weeks after the decision by Justice Treacey, and that appeal the NIO overturned in hours.
The Lord Chief Justice upheld the ruling and stated that Martin’s case should be reheard on November 26, 2012. At the rehearing a panel of three appeals judges upheld the decision of the NIO to keep Martin incarcerated.
Martin’s legal team then applied to the High Court for permission to take their case before the Supreme Court in London. Martin’s legal team were very confident of winning in the Supreme Court, but in early May 2013, their euphoria was short lived as the appeal was denied without any valid reason being given. If you look beyond this denial, you will see British intransigence at its best.
By denying Martin the right to appeal to the Supreme Court, they have effectively blocked his application to the European Court of Human Rights, as he has not exhausted all domestic avenues. British politicians are very quick to point the finger in regards to human rights abuses around the world, but even quicker to put the blinkers on when it is occurring in their own backyard and perpetrated by their own people.
The Good Friday Agreement promised Equality, Justice and Human Rights for all. This obviously does not include Republicans who do not agree with the way the peace is being portrayed or do not agree with the ruling parties. Martin Corey is but one of these people who are suffering from a great injustice at the hands of a vindictive British government.
Martin Corey is an innocent man; he is innocent of any wrong doing. If the authorities believe that Martin is guilty of a crime, then the law of the land must prevail, charge him and bring him before a court of law, where he has the right to defend himself, not having to fight an invisible foe in the guise of undisclosed charges.
No Charges! No Evidence! Not Guilty!
Release Martin Corey.
James Connolly Association Australia, Melbourne. 

                                                                     http://www.releasemartincorey.com

Thursday 13 June 2013

NEWS YOU'LL NOT FIND WITH IRISH TIMES PRESSTITUTES




  LINK TO NEWS 
YOU WON'T FIND WITH IRISH TIMES PRESTITUTES



"There is Difficulty Lower Down Whereby Sometimes Unauthorised Items Appear"

category national | history and heritage | feature author Monday April 19, 2004 01:08author by Captain White Report this post to the editors



“The correspondence is being destroyed”
Irish Times Chief Executive asks British Government for help in stamping out "unauthorised" material appearing in the paper. "Secret and personal" letter from the British Ambassador details contacts and refers to then Irish Times Editor Douglas Gageby, a Protestant like Major McDowell, as a "renegade white nigger".
Strange things have a habit of appearing on the IMC Ireland newswire late in the evenings and are a sometimes meagre reward for weary unpaid hacks trawling through the daily deletions. This one exceptionally is a stone-cold classic and the image copy of the letter a downright exclusive as far as we can tell. Let us know if somebody else got there first. We now hand you over to 'Captain White'.
For Captain White's full commentary on the letter, a full size cut out and keep version of the letter and a fistful of interesting and provocative letters to the Irish Times Editor on surrounding issues which have remained unpublished just hit the 'feature continues' link below
The attached PDF document is a copy of a letter from A.G. Gilchrist, British Ambassador, Dublin, to a Mr W.K.K. White, Western European Department, Foreign & Commonwealth Office, London, dated 2 October 1969. It is marked "secret & personal".

The letter relates to contacts between the British Ambassador and the proprietor of the Irish Times, Major Thomas B McDowell, in which the latter is seeking stronger guidance from the British government on how to control news on Britain’s actions and role in the North of Ireland.

The then Editor of the Irish Times, Douglas Gageby, "Protestant, Belfast born", is referred to as "an excellent man but on northern questions a renegade or white nigger".

McDowell is unhappy that “authorised” pro-British material is “left out” and that “unauthorised” material is appearing in the Irish Times.

The Major asks for direct guidance from No 10 Downing Street for "himself and one or two of this friends on the Board".

Major McDowell, served as chief executive of The Irish Times between 1962 and 1997. He retired as chairman of the Irish Times Trust in December 2001, when he was awarded the title of President for Life of the Irish Times Group.

It is surprising that no one demanded that the Major relinquish his title when this letter was released (probably inadvertently) with British state papers. Instead a discreet veil of silence was drawn over the affair in D’Olier Street, where the renegade Protestant white niggers have been gradually replaced by a gaggle of Roman Catholic uncle toms. Needless to say, when the details came out, the morose major was forced to deny its contents. He claimed rather feebly to be building contacts between the Irish and British governments.

However, during the 1970s the Irish Times was brought into line, especially after Gageby’s first retirement in 1974. Though Gageby was brought back in 1977, after the indifferent editorship of Fergus Pyle, a ‘Kulturkampf’ had been engineered by Conor Cruise O’Brien during the 1973-1977 labour Fine Gael Coalition. It set the political ‘culture’ of the Times and of the times along a path of general compliance with a British agenda.

The Anglo-Irish Majors and Captains had had their day and the British relied subsequently on the native parochialism and conservatism of the 26 County RC bourgeoisie to dampen down anti-British feeling. New money merged with old, as the new fat cats on the block set about preserving 26 County society from adequately confronting the instability of the sectarian Six County state. The media (especially the Section 31 censorship ridden RTE) ignored the Birmingham Six and the Maguire Family throughout the 1970s and Irish government representatives in the US mobilised against those campaigning for innocent Irish people in British jails.

The period that started with the framing of Captain James Kelly of the Irish Army by the Irish state, and that saw official government and Garda indifference (or worse!) to British complicity in the 1974 Dublin Monaghan bombings, was defined by the Garda heavy Gang beating and subsequent railroading of the IRSP Three (Nicky Kelly, Brian McNally and Osgur Breatnach) for a mail train robbery, of which they were clearly innocent.

In other words, the kak-handed methods of the Major and his MI5 friends were rendered historically redundant. The major and his editorial board team have meanwhile gutted the journalistic belly of the paper. Long-serving journalists have been let go and coverage of the North has been down graded. Long-winded pro-British and pro-war jingoism provided by Kevin Myers is the order of the day.

As if in apology for ousting their betters the pigs that now occupy the parlour have been snorting their derision at the efforts that went into putting them there in the first place: the fighting for and winning of the independence of their country (or the substantial part of it they now do so well in). Myers writes lyrically of the mass slaughter that sent millions to their deaths in the First World War in an imperialist adventure and derides as a criminal conspiracy the relatively tiny amount of violence that secured for this part of Ireland independence from the British Empire. Any lie that has the faint possibility of undermining the basis of the War of Independence is pounced upon with glee and published with the authority of Ireland’s “newspaper of record”.

It was Connolly who said “Ruling by fooling is a great British art, with great Irish fools to practice on”? Kevin Myers and the Irish Times, please take a bow.

In response to a recent advertising downturn, cost cutting measures have been applied to the journalists, while the upper tiers of management awarded themselves hefty monetary rewards. This has not gone down well on the newsroom floor.

The new editor, Geraldine Kennedy, has pursued the conservative Dublin Four agenda and has been found wanting in printing inaccurate information on the North time and again, mostly at the expense of republicans. She states: “Above all else, we commit ourselves to accuracy. If we fail the test of accuracy, we are failing the most essential test of our profession. We recognise, of course, that journalism in a daily newspaper operates in a deadline-driven environment in which mistakes can, and will, happen. When we get it wrong, we say so.”

Twice in one week an editorial writer (the ‘voice’ of the Irish Times) rushed to blame republicans for either something that unionists paramilitaries had done (nailing a Roman Catholic to a wooden fence) or that was the product of a sectarian papist-hunt (the PSNI arrest of a Roman Catholic civil servant in the offices of David Trimble and Mark Durkan for “spying”). In the case of the former a half-hearted and miserable correction was inserted, but the latter inaccuracy was left untroubled by the miniscule corrections that the Times inserts to draw as little attention as possible to errors, large and small.

The Major can rest assured; he has succeeded in his efforts to get the Irish Times to publish the “authorised” version of events.

Ironically, the British Ambassador’s letter ends “The correspondence is being destroyed”. This part of it is here provided for the edification of the masses.

G8 Summit in Orange Order Fascist British Occupied Ireland

    


Fascist Orange militias are used by the British government in British Occupied Ireland to do their dirty work.

According to Chris Ford :

"The first movement of 20th century fascism emerged in 1910 to enforce the unity of the United Kingdom... 

"Sir Edward Carson, raised the 80,000 strong UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) in defence of empire and against unpatriotic socialists and papist nationalists...

"Field Marshall Wilson set up the Specials, a force of 48,000 drawn from the old UVF and Cromwell Clubs. 

"Lloyd George described them as analogous to the fascisti in Italy. 

"In the years 1920 to 1922 these British fascists forced 23,000 people from their homes and killed 400 in a campaign of ethnic cleansing."

If you think of the Orange Order, you might think of Ulster, the Kincora Boys Home, Clockwork Orange and MI5.

Wednesday 12 June 2013

NSA Leaker - Another Video "Massive Surveillance Apparatus"







with Amy Goodman  Juan González  






                     http://www.releasemartincorey.com                                                      

G8 Warn Orange Order Thugs Stay Away


A

G8 Warn Orange Order Thugs Stay Away from Belfast and Fermanagh British Occupied Ireland.


Protesters against the G8 in Belfast and Fermanagh have warned violent Orange Order thugs to stay away from their demonstrations. Members of Unite and NIPSA, which represent thousands of public sector workers in British Occupied Ireland, said they will prevent the fascist right-wing Orange order from demonstrating in Belfast and Fermanagh.

"If you are intent on trouble do not come near our demonstration. We won't allow this demonstration to be hijacked," said Gary Mulcahy, a spokesperson and co-ordinator of the G8 Not Welcome campaign. Thousands of people will take to the street in Belfast in protests organised by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) this Saturday.Thousands more are expected for another rally against the G8 summit in Enniskillen on Monday where the Orange Order is banned.

Protesters will not allow the fascist Nazi Orange Order to get close to the world's eight most powerful leaders on a pre-agreed route with the British paramilitary police, to a perimeter fence erected around the luxury Lough Erne resort.

Civilized protesters only, will be allowed attempt to get anywhere near the world's eight most powerful leaders, by politely snaking their way on a pre-agreed route, through the town towards a perimeter fence erected around the site of the luxury Lough Erne resort.


Sectarian Orange Order brethren particularly religious zealots are angry, that British drones have a ‘Big Brother’ eye-in-the-sky, daily view, doing virtual ‘strip searches’ of their wives and daughters from 1,500′ up, trolling around loyalist skies in east Belfast unregulated, with a very real “on-demand” intrusion into their loyalist lives in British Occupied Ireland by the American type predator drones and MI5 shredding their few remaining loyalist privileges. However they seem to be ignoring the strip searching of the gay community in east Belfast, with Peter Robinson refusing to comment on the issue.

Trade unionists have accused the British Government of scaremongering, in an effort to scare ordinary people away from protesting. Jimmy Kelly, regional secretary of Unite, said an atmosphere of fear was being deliberately stirred up ahead of the G8 conference. "All the build up is designed to put people off with wall-to-wall police, back up and drones and everything you can think of. We are trying to cut through that intimidation climate to say you are entitled to protest, be proud to protest because our aims are just and we are a force for good. If you want to go out with your family and be part of the protest you are concerned that the security is going to go over the top." The gay community, "off the record" are allowed to march "if they are discreet."


Separately the head of the union that represents the British paramilitary police in British Occupied Ireland, has strongly criticized tactics used by his PSNI chiefs dealing with violence around fascist loyalist flag protest. Terry Spence, chairperson of the Police Federation, said that plastic bullets should not be used against loyalist protesters. He said doing so could prevent his officers from being attacked with potentially lethal loyalist missiles. Mr Spence said police officers should not be used as cannon fodder at protests like the G8 conference.

Nearly 150 British paramilitary police were injured in fascist loyalist riots recently, and Spence said rapid deployment of plastic bullets against loyalist protesters could have prevented attacks by right-wing loyalist protesters on the G8 conference.

The British paramilitary police have been strongly criticised by Irish nationalists and others for failing to take action against Loyalist masked paramilitaries who erect UVF flegs in east Belfast. Spence also congratulated the efforts of the Garda in the Irish free state for assisting the British paramilitary police in combating Irish republicans.


Willie Frazer a leading Orange Order fascist, intimated that the G8 protests would be postponed but would go ahead at a future date, perhaps when the next G8 summit is held in Ireland. He also said “I also wish to go on record as welcoming the recognition of Alan Shatter and the Garda Siochana, as to our right to peaceful protest in Dublin and the accommodating measures they were putting in place for us the protesters and concerned citizens of Ulster in our recently postponed protests there.”



The ongoing Orange Order fleg violence has roots in a policy established in the early days of the Troubles in British Occupied Ireland 
As the Union Jack, flag protests deteriorate into greater violence, the power of groups such as the UVF and UDA in the failing Irish Peace Process, derives from Britain’s top general's policies in British Occupied Ireland, from the start of the Troubles.

Damning evidence, that the higher echelons of Britain's military, advocated a counterinsurgency policy,  that encourages the growth of Orange Order, loyalist paramilitary groups, has emerged in documents from the "Northern Ireland Office" released recently.

Ignored by the BBC presstitutes and censored, with the exception of a handful of academics, the papers demonstrate that British generals, effectively champion Orange Order countergangs, drawn from the ranks of the sectarian Orange Order, to fight the IRA, a continuation from the brutal British war crimes, committed against the Mau Mau in Kenya. Dr Huw Bennett of the department of International politics, at the University of Wales, in Aberystwyth, said it is “very likely” the military got its way entirely.

Documentation produced after the IRA’s first ceasefire in 1972 and understood to be still the preferred option, after the British Tories force a cessation of the Peace Process with the re-introduction of internment, is a document from July 9th of that year, on the same day a ceasefire ended in a riot and gun battle in the Lenadoon estate, of west Belfast, the British army’s general officer commander, Gen Harry Tuzo, had  a paper dispatched to the Viceroyal William Whitelaw, prepared in anticipation of the of breakdown, outlining British military options, in the next phase of the war on the IRA.

The paper approved by chief of general staff, Field Marshall Michael Carver, reflecting the view of Britain’s military establishment on the best way to conduct war against the IRA. According to Bennett in a paper written on Studies in Conflict Terrorism in 2010, was to flood IRA strongholds, with British soldiers to force the IRA into firefights, which would allow the army not just to kill and intern IRA suspects but conduct massive widespread searches to gather intelligence. Indemnity for the British soldiers involved in this exercise ws given.

Another proposal to Whitelaw, adopted as policy with the growth of Orange order loyalists paramilitaries was that this should be secretly promoted. The actual wording of Tuzo’s policy strongly implies, creating a second front in which the IRA would be forced to fight on, against the fascist Orange Order paramilitaries, such as the UDA, UVF and Wee Willie's flegling groups.

Tuesday 11 June 2013

EXPOSING PRIME MINISTER HEATH A CLASSIC TORY BLUENOSE


Prime Minister Heath Visits Kincora Boys Rape Home with Agents of Clockwork Orange in British Occupied Ireland



The Tory British Prime Minister Edward Heath, was targeted by the IRA, for introducing political internment without trial, which started a war that has lasted more than 40 years, in British Occupied Ireland. In December 1974, the Balcombe Street ASU, threw a bomb onto the first-floor balcony of his home in Wilton Street, Belgravia, where it exploded. 


Heath was conducting a concert at Broadstairs and arrived home, 10 minutes after the bomb exploded. Heath the former British Prime Minister, described in the accompanying tape above, is an example of a typical Tory Bluenose, some of whom are appointed Viceroyals, with dictatorial powers, to intern without trial, the dispossessed native Irish people of no property, in British Occupied Ireland.



The Tory bluenose is the work of generations of the British class system. The civil rights movement in Ireland didn't become mediagenic until the 1960s. Women only gained a modest degree of physical autonomy in the 70s. Neither of those were slumbering before that. The paranoid, blue nose, bigoted British security state, is embellished with a further layer of mentored orange order sectarianism, being still the norm of governance in British Occupied Ireland. All Tory blue nose male dominated pyramid hierarchies tend in that direction.


A traditional Tory Blue nose started each day by eating a poor person for breakfast, served to him by a stable of butlers and attendants. Before his round of morning polo (in which the head of a homeless man was used for a ball), a Tory bluenose (including Orange Order brethren) spends half an hour, in the Tory Blue Nose family room, where he and his father, reaffirm their ancestral connection to blue-blooded types, who either owned slaves or coveted them.


If you are worried that Tory bluenoses might try and bring back slavery, we will do absolutely nothing to allay your fears. A Tory nose from the City of London, recently paid an exorbitant sum, for a colon operation, that made his gas smell like daisies. When asked a difficult question by a company shareholder, he will silently break wind and ask, "My gosh. Do you smell daisies?" as a diversion. Its a typical case of the stiff upper nose, as opposed to the stiff upper lip.


The Devil's Dictionary Pronouces - NOSE, n. The extreme outpost of the face. Getius, whose writings antedate the age of humor, calls the Tory bluenose the organ of quell. It has been observed that Tory bluenoses are never so happy, as when thrust into the affairs of other nations, such as Ireland for example, from which some physiologists, have drawn the inference, that the British Tory nose is devoid of any natural human sense of smell, other than the smell of blood, cultivated over many generations, since they were first blooded with cruel intent and smeared with fox blood as children, at the their first traditional Tory foxhunt.

There's a Tory with a Nose,
And wherever he goes
The people run from him and shout:
"No cotton have we
For our ears if so be
He blow that interminous snout!"

So the lawyers applied
For injunction. "Denied,"
Said the Judge: "the defendant prefixion,
Whate'er it portend,
Appears to transcend
The bounds of this court's jurisdiction."


A bit like political internment, beyond t
he bounds of the court's jurisdiction, eh?


One of the many current political internees, since internment has been reintroduced, after the Irish Peace Process without Due Process, is a fragile 63 year old man, called Martin Corey in the photograph with a link to details below:







Details:  http://www.releasemartincorey.com








NSA SPY SCANDAL - Video Interview Edward Snowden






June 10, 2013 "Information Clearing House - "The Guardian" -- The individual responsible for one of the most significant leaks in US political history is Edward Snowden, a 29-year-old former technical assistant for the CIAand current employee of the defence contractor Booz Allen Hamilton. Snowden has been working at the National Security Agency for the last four years as an employee of various outside contractors, including Booz Allen and Dell.
The Guardian, after several days of interviews, is revealing his identity at his request. From the moment he decided to disclose numerous top-secret documents to the public, he was determined not to opt for the protection of anonymity. "I have no intention of hiding who I am because I know I have done nothing wrong," he said.
Snowden will go down in history as one of America's most consequential whistleblowers, alongside Daniel Ellsberg and Bradley Manning. He is responsible for handing over material from one of the world's most secretive organisations – the NSA.
In a note accompanying the first set of documents he provided, he wrote: "I understand that I will be made to suffer for my actions," but "I will be satisfied if the federation of secret law, unequal pardon and irresistible executive powers that rule the world that I love are revealed even for an instant."
Despite his determination to be publicly unveiled, he repeatedly insisted that he wants to avoid the media spotlight. "I don't want public attention because I don't want the story to be about me. I want it to be about what the US government is doing."
He does not fear the consequences of going public, he said, only that doing so will distract attention from the issues raised by his disclosures. "I know the media likes to personalise political debates, and I know the government will demonise me."
Despite these fears, he remained hopeful his outing will not divert attention from the substance of his disclosures. "I really want the focus to be on these documents and the debate which I hope this will trigger among citizens around the globe about what kind of world we want to live in." He added: "My sole motive is to inform the public as to that which is done in their name and that which is done against them."
He has had "a very comfortable life" that included a salary of roughly $200,000, a girlfriend with whom he shared a home in Hawaii, a stable career, and a family he loves. "I'm willing to sacrifice all of that because I can't in good conscience allow the US government to destroy privacy, internet freedom and basic liberties for people around the world with this massive surveillance machine they're secretly building."

'I am not afraid, because this is the choice I've made'

Three weeks ago, Snowden made final preparations that resulted in last week's series of blockbuster news stories. At the NSA office in Hawaii where he was working, he copied the last set of documents he intended to disclose.
He then advised his NSA supervisor that he needed to be away from work for "a couple of weeks" in order to receive treatment for epilepsy, a condition he learned he suffers from after a series of seizures last year.
As he packed his bags, he told his girlfriend that he had to be away for a few weeks, though he said he was vague about the reason. "That is not an uncommon occurrence for someone who has spent the last decade working in the intelligence world."
On May 20, he boarded a flight to Hong Kong, where he has remained ever since. He chose the city because "they have a spirited commitment to free speech and the right of political dissent", and because he believed that it was one of the few places in the world that both could and would resist the dictates of the US government.
In the three weeks since he arrived, he has been ensconced in a hotel room. "I've left the room maybe a total of three times during my entire stay," he said. It is a plush hotel and, what with eating meals in his room too, he has run up big bills.
He is deeply worried about being spied on. He lines the door of his hotel room with pillows to prevent eavesdropping. He puts a large red hood over his head and laptop when entering his passwords to prevent any hidden cameras from detecting them.
Though that may sound like paranoia to some, Snowden has good reason for such fears. He worked in the US intelligence world for almost a decade. He knows that the biggest and most secretive surveillance organisation in America, the NSA, along with the most powerful government on the planet, is looking for him.
Since the disclosures began to emerge, he has watched television and monitored the internet, hearing all the threats and vows of prosecution emanating from Washington.
And he knows only too well the sophisticated technology available to them and how easy it will be for them to find him. The NSA police and other law enforcement officers have twice visited his home in Hawaii and already contacted his girlfriend, though he believes that may have been prompted by his absence from work, and not because of suspicions of any connection to the leaks.
"All my options are bad," he said. The US could begin extradition proceedings against him, a potentially problematic, lengthy and unpredictable course for Washington. Or the Chinese government might whisk him away for questioning, viewing him as a useful source of information. Or he might end up being grabbed and bundled into a plane bound for US territory.
"Yes, I could be rendered by the CIA. I could have people come after me. Or any of the third-party partners. They work closely with a number of other nations. Or they could pay off the Triads. Any of their agents or assets," he said.
"We have got a CIA station just up the road – the consulate here in Hong Kong – and I am sure they are going to be busy for the next week. And that is a concern I will live with for the rest of my life, however long that happens to be."
Having watched the Obama administration prosecute whistleblowers at a historically unprecedented rate, he fully expects the US government to attempt to use all its weight to punish him. "I am not afraid," he said calmly, "because this is the choice I've made."
He predicts the government will launch an investigation and "say I have broken the Espionage Act and helped our enemies, but that can be used against anyone who points out how massive and invasive the system has become".
The only time he became emotional during the many hours of interviews was when he pondered the impact his choices would have on his family, many of whom work for the US government. "The only thing I fear is the harmful effects on my family, who I won't be able to help any more. That's what keeps me up at night," he said, his eyes welling up with tears.

'You can't wait around for someone else to act'

Snowden did not always believe the US government posed a threat to his political values. He was brought up originally in Elizabeth City, North Carolina. His family moved later to Maryland, near the NSA headquarters in Fort Meade.
By his own admission, he was not a stellar student. In order to get the credits necessary to obtain a high school diploma, he attended a community college in Maryland, studying computing, but never completed the coursework. (He later obtained his GED.)
In 2003, he enlisted in the US army and began a training program to join the Special Forces. Invoking the same principles that he now cites to justify his leaks, he said: "I wanted to fight in the Iraq war because I felt like I had an obligation as a human being to help free people from oppression".
He recounted how his beliefs about the war's purpose were quickly dispelled. "Most of the people training us seemed pumped up about killing Arabs, not helping anyone," he said. After he broke both his legs in a training accident, he was discharged.
After that, he got his first job in an NSA facility, working as a security guard for one of the agency's covert facilities at the University of Maryland. From there, he went to the CIA, where he worked on IT security. His understanding of the internet and his talent for computer programming enabled him to rise fairly quickly for someone who lacked even a high school diploma.
By 2007, the CIA stationed him with diplomatic cover in Geneva, Switzerland. His responsibility for maintaining computer network security meant he had clearance to access a wide array of classified documents.
That access, along with the almost three years he spent around CIA officers, led him to begin seriously questioning the rightness of what he saw.
He described as formative an incident in which he claimed CIA operatives were attempting to recruit a Swiss banker to obtain secret banking information. Snowden said they achieved this by purposely getting the banker drunk and encouraging him to drive home in his car. When the banker was arrested for drunk driving, the undercover agent seeking to befriend him offered to help, and a bond was formed that led to successful recruitment.
"Much of what I saw in Geneva really disillusioned me about how my government functions and what its impact is in the world," he says. "I realised that I was part of something that was doing far more harm than good."
He said it was during his CIA stint in Geneva that he thought for the first time about exposing government secrets. But, at the time, he chose not to for two reasons.
First, he said: "Most of the secrets the CIA has are about people, not machines and systems, so I didn't feel comfortable with disclosures that I thought could endanger anyone". Secondly, the election of Barack Obama in 2008 gave him hope that there would be real reforms, rendering disclosures unnecessary.
He left the CIA in 2009 in order to take his first job working for a private contractor that assigned him to a functioning NSA facility, stationed on a military base in Japan. It was then, he said, that he "watched as Obama advanced the very policies that I thought would be reined in", and as a result, "I got hardened."
The primary lesson from this experience was that "you can't wait around for someone else to act. I had been looking for leaders, but I realised that leadership is about being the first to act."
Over the next three years, he learned just how all-consuming the NSA's surveillance activities were, claiming "they are intent on making every conversation and every form of behaviour in the world known to them".
He described how he once viewed the internet as "the most important invention in all of human history". As an adolescent, he spent days at a time "speaking to people with all sorts of views that I would never have encountered on my own".
But he believed that the value of the internet, along with basic privacy, is being rapidly destroyed by ubiquitous surveillance. "I don't see myself as a hero," he said, "because what I'm doing is self-interested: I don't want to live in a world where there's no privacy and therefore no room for intellectual exploration and creativity."
Once he reached the conclusion that the NSA's surveillance net would soon be irrevocable, he said it was just a matter of time before he chose to act. "What they're doing" poses "an existential threat to democracy", he said.

A matter of principle

As strong as those beliefs are, there still remains the question: why did he do it? Giving up his freedom and a privileged lifestyle? "There are more important things than money. If I were motivated by money, I could have sold these documents to any number of countries and gotten very rich."
For him, it is a matter of principle. "The government has granted itself power it is not entitled to. There is no public oversight. The result is people like myself have the latitude to go further than they are allowed to," he said.
His allegiance to internet freedom is reflected in the stickers on his laptop: "I support Online Rights: Electronic Frontier Foundation," reads one. Another hails the online organisation offering anonymity, the Tor Project.
Asked by reporters to establish his authenticity to ensure he is not some fantasist, he laid bare, without hesitation, his personal details, from his social security number to his CIA ID and his expired diplomatic passport. There is no shiftiness. Ask him about anything in his personal life and he will answer.
He is quiet, smart, easy-going and self-effacing. A master on computers, he seemed happiest when talking about the technical side of surveillance, at a level of detail comprehensible probably only to fellow communication specialists. But he showed intense passion when talking about the value of privacy and how he felt it was being steadily eroded by the behaviour of the intelligence services.
His manner was calm and relaxed but he has been understandably twitchy since he went into hiding, waiting for the knock on the hotel door. A fire alarm goes off. "That has not happened before," he said, betraying anxiety wondering if was real, a test or a CIA ploy to get him out onto the street.
Strewn about the side of his bed are his suitcase, a plate with the remains of room-service breakfast, and a copy of Angler, the biography of former vice-president Dick Cheney.
Ever since last week's news stories began to appear in the Guardian, Snowden has vigilantly watched TV and read the internet to see the effects of his choices. He seemed satisfied that the debate he longed to provoke was finally taking place.
He lay, propped up against pillows, watching CNN's Wolf Blitzer ask a discussion panel about government intrusion if they had any idea who the leaker was. From 8,000 miles away, the leaker looked on impassively, not even indulging in a wry smile.
Snowden said that he admires both Ellsberg and Manning, but argues that there is one important distinction between himself and the army private, whose trial coincidentally began the week Snowden's leaks began to make news.
"I carefully evaluated every single document I disclosed to ensure that each was legitimately in the public interest," he said. "There are all sorts of documents that would have made a big impact that I didn't turn over, because harming people isn't my goal. Transparency is."
He purposely chose, he said, to give the documents to journalists whose judgment he trusted about what should be public and what should remain concealed.
As for his future, he is vague. He hoped the publicity the leaks have generated will offer him some protection, making it "harder for them to get dirty".
He views his best hope as the possibility of asylum, with Iceland – with its reputation of a champion of internet freedom – at the top of his list. He knows that may prove a wish unfulfilled.
But after the intense political controversy he has already created with just the first week's haul of stories, "I feel satisfied that this was all worth it. I have no regrets."
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