Friday, 15 November 2013


  • Antony Mulvihill
    Antony Mulvihill

    Republican Sinn Féin June 14, 2013 at 3:00 am - June 15, 2013 at 3:00 am Belfast (Unknown) Irish Republican Alternative to the G8
    Republican Sinn Féin will be holding an Irish Anti-Imperialist Forum as a counter to the G8 Summit in June. The Anti-Imperialist Forum/Republican Alternative to the G8 will take place in Belfast on June 14 and 15. The forum will discuss all aspects of imperialism both in terms of British imperialism in Ireland as well as the new imperialism of the EU, ECB and IMF as experienced by the people of the 26 Counties. Delegates from international anti-imperialist organisations will provide a world Irish Anti-Imperialist Forum 2013 - Fórum Frith-Impiriúlachas na h-Éireannperspective.
    It is intended as a forum for political and community activists from throughout Ireland and abroad to discuss the various political, social and economic aspects of imperialism from both an Irish as well as an international perspective. Such a debate can be used to chart a way forward towards building an Irish and international alternative to the neo-liberal political and economic policies of the G8 and other trans global imperialist organisations.
    More details of the Anti-Imperialist forum will be released over the coming weeks. URGENT MOBILISATION FOR STEPHEN MURNEY Éirígí January 12, 2013 at 10:30 pm - January 13, 2013 at 1:30 am Monaghan Street , Newry () URGENT! Mobilisation Notice
    Justice for Stephen Murney,
    White Line Picket, Monaghan Street, Newry, 12.30pm, Saturday, January 12th
    End Political Policing Now!
    All Welcome. Bígí Linn.
    On Saturday, December 1st, 2012, Stephen Murney, a political activist from Newry, appeared in court on a number of spurious charges including the 'possession of items likely to be of use to terrorists' and the 'collecting and distributing of information likely to be of use to terrorists'. The 'evidence' produced by the PSNI in support of these charges would be laughable if the situation were not so serious.
    In support of the charge of 'possession of items likely to be of use to terrorists' the PSNI cited two 'air guns' as well as jumpers, berets and trousers that were found in Stephen's house. The fact that the 'air guns' were harmless, legal toys made no difference to Britain's political police. And nor did the fact that the items of clothing were clearly part of the uniform of Stephen's old flute band.
    In support of the charge of 'collecting and distributing information likely to be of use to terrorists' the PSNI cited images of the police recovered from Stephen's computer. So what were these images and where did they come from? Like any political activist, or indeed student of history, Stephen has used internet search engines to find out more about key events of the last forty years. As a result his computer contains photos relating to the civil rights movement, Bloody Sunday, the 1981 Hunger Strike and other events right up to the present day - photos which by their very nature contain images of both the RUC and PSNI.
    In addition to these internet-sourced photos Stephen also had a number of photos of PSNI members taken in more recent times in the Newry area. All of these photos were taken in full view of the PSNI when they were in uniform and on duty at commemorations, protests and other political events. Because Stephen chose to post these images on Facebook and other social media platforms he now stands accused of 'distributing' information likely to be of use to 'terrorists'. All across the world political activists are routinely advised by legal and civil rights experts to document the behaviour of the police at these type of political events. When they do so in Syria and Libya they are deemed to be heroes; when they do so in Ireland they are hauled before the courts.
    On Friday, December 21st, Stephen applied for bail in the Belfast High Court. While he was granted bail, the terms that were attached to it were too onerous for Stephen to accept. These terms included a ban on Stephen entering not only his own home, but the entire city of Newry; the constant wearing of an electronic tag; a night time curfew and daily signing-on at Newtonhamilton PSNI barracks. For taking this principled stand against state oppression Stephen spend his Christmas in Maghaberry Jail and is now facing up to two years imprisonment before trial. Were Stephen to be convicted of the charges against him he may face many more years of incarceration.
    Whether you agree with Stephen's politics (he is a member of éirígí) or not, is irrelevant. It is abundantly clear that Stephen Murney is the victim of political policing in the Six Counties. He is in Maghaberry Jail because he has been a consistent and vocal opponent of the PSNI and the Stormont administration. If the British state can imprison one person on the basis of the 'evidence' produced against Stephen, they can imprison us all. Support the call for Stephen's release and join the protest on Monaghan Street in Newry at 12.30pm on Saturday, January 12th. All welcome. Bígí linn. Please forward this to others who may be interested.

  • Antony Mulvihill
    Antony Mulvihill


Eamon Collins

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Not to be confused with the Irish footballer Eamonn Collins.

Eamon Collins (1954 - 27 January 1999) was a Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) paramilitary in the late 1970s and 1980s. He turned his back on the organisation in the late 1980s and later co-authored a book called Killing Rage telling of his experiences in the IRA. He was killed in 1999, it is presumed by his former IRA colleagues, for testifying against Thomas 'Slab' Murphy in a civil trial inDublin.

Contents [hide]
1 Early life
2 IRA career
3 "Supergrass"
4 Post-IRA life
5 Death
6 References
7 External links
Early life[edit]

It was in Camlough, a small town in south Armagh, that Eamon Collins grew up.[1] After finishing school, he worked for a time in the civil service in London before he started studying law at Queen's University.[1] On Easter, 1974, as Eamon Collins walked home to his parents' home in south Armagh, he saw his father being beaten by British soldiers.[2] He was himself badly beaten when he tried to stop them, and then they were both detained.[3]

However, he was contemptuous of the Provisional IRA in the early 1970s, seeing them as representing a simplistic Irish nationalist, militarist programme. Collins himself was attracted to Marxist politics.[citation needed]

He never completed his degree. After working in a pub for a period, he joined the Customs Service of Northern Ireland. Around this time, Collins also got married. He and his wife were later to have four children together. At the same time he was also preparing to become a republican paramilitary.
IRA career[edit]

He joined the IRA at the height of the blanket protest by H-block prisoners in the late 1970s, who wanted Special Category Status for republican prisoners. Collins became involved in street demonstrations at the time and was impressed by the left-wing politics of the new generation of republican leadership that had emerged in the late 1970s.

Collins joined the South Down Brigade of the IRA, based around Newry. This was not one of the organisation's most active units, but it sometimes worked with the South Armagh Brigade, which was the most effective of the IRA's command areas.[citation needed] Collins says in his book Killing Rage that he never felt able to kill anyone himself, but instead became the South Down Brigade's "intelligence officer".

This involved gathering intelligence on intended assassination and bombing targets. His planning was directly responsible for at least five killings, including that of Ulster Defence Regiment Major Ivan Toombs. Many of the bombing targets of Collins' unit were of limited significance. For example, they destroyed the public library in Newry and a pub where a police choir drank after practice.

Collins became noted for his hard-line views on the continuance of armed struggle within the IRA and later becoming part of the nutting squad. On the promptings of the South Armagh Brigade, Collins became a member of Sinn Féin in Newry. The South Armagh IRA wanted a hard-line militarist in the party as they were opposed to the increasing emphasis of the republican leadership on the political over the military wing of the movement.[citation needed] Collins was not, however, selected as a Sinn Féin candidate for local government elections. In part, this was due to his suspicion of the IRA and Sinn Féin leadership, whom he suspected of running down 'the war'. He had a public dispute with Gerry Adams at the funeral of an IRA man, killed in a failed bombing, where Collins was accused of calling Adams a 'Stick' (a derogatory name for Official IRA members, who were considered traitors by Provisional IRA supporters). In Killing Rage, however, Collins denies the claim, instead suggesting that he only accused Adams of taking actions likened to those of a 'Stick'.

Despite his militarist convictions, Collins found the emotional strain of the IRA campaign, along with the pressure from the security forces intolerable. On two occasions, he was arrested under anti-terrorism legislation and held in Castlereagh holding centre for seven days and subjected to 24-hour interrogation. On the second of these occasions, in 1985, the police were enraged by the killing, on the day of Collins' arrest, of nine of their colleagues in an IRA mortar attack in Newry. Towards the end of his time in custody, Collins reportedly "broke" and said that he was prepared to co-operate with the police.

In his book, Collins says that the strain of the interrogation exacerbated doubts that he had already had about the morality and direction the IRA campaign. He argues in his book that the republican leadership had already decided that the "war was over" by the mid-1980s and was already manoeuvring Sinn Féin to participate in what later became the Northern Ireland peace process.

Subsequent to his arrest, Collins became an IRA supergrass, on whose evidence the state could prosecute large numbers of IRA members. Collins was held with other paramilitary informers in the Crumlin Road Prison in Belfast. After an appeal from his wife, however, who remained a republican supporter, Collins retracted his evidence against former colleagues. In return, he was given a guarantee of safety by the IRA provided he de-briefed the organisation on his experience. Collins agreed to this. Collins was then transferred to the republican wing of the Crumlin Road prison.

As a result of losing his status as a protected informer, Collins was then charged with several counts of murder and attempted murder. When tried, however, Collins was acquitted due to a lack of evidence other than his own confessions, which he had since retracted. He then spent three months being interrogated by the IRA and was eventually allowed to relocate to the Republic of Ireland, but was not allowed to travel north of Dundalk.[4]
Post-IRA life[edit]

Collins moved to Dublin and squatted in a deserted flat in the working class Ballymun area of the city. At the time, the area was experiencing an epidemic of heroin addiction and Collins volunteered to help a local priest, Peter McVerry, who ran programmes for local youths to keep them away from drugs.

After several years in Dublin, Collins lived in Edinburgh in Scotland for a period, where he ran a youth centre.

In 1995, Collins eventually moved back to Newry. The IRA order exiling him from Northern Ireland had not been lifted but with an IRA ceasefire in operation, he judged it safe to move back in with his wife and children. Also in 1995, Collins appeared on British television to tell the story of his life in the IRA.

In 1997, he co-authored 'Killing Rage', with journalist Mick McGovern, an exposé of the IRA and the Troubles. He also contributed to the book Bandit Country by Toby Harnden about the South Armagh IRA.

In 1998, Collins gave evidence against leading republican Thomas 'Slab' Murphy in a libel case Murphy had brought against the Sunday Times over a 1985 article naming him as the IRA's Northern Commander.[5] After his testimony, Collins was heard to shout, "No hard feelings Slab". In the immediate aftermath of the trial, Collins' home was attacked and daubed with graffiti calling him a "tout" (slang forinformer). In fact since he had returned to live in Newry his house had frequently been attacked, his family home in Camlough was burned to the ground and daubed in graffiti, threats were made against his children, who were bullied in school, and slander was painted on the walls of the streets in which the family lived.

Eamon Collins was murdered on 27 January 1999 while walking his dogs near Barcroft Park, his home in Newry. He was stabbed and beaten so badly that police initially thought he had been hit by a car. It is presumed[6] that he was killed by the IRA in revenge for public testimony on the activities of the organisation and in particular for his court testimony against Thomas Murphy.[1][7]

The IRA denied involvement in the killing and Sinn Féin's local representative Brendan Curran denied the IRA was responsible and said that the killing was "senseless and needless".[7] Gerry Adams said that the killing was "regrettable" but added that Mr Collins had "many enemies in many, many, many places".[7]

^ a b c Toolis, Kevin (3 Jul 1999). "Death foretold". The Guardian. Guardian News and Media Limited. Retrieved 7 Sep 2010.
^ "The Price Of Courage". Newsweek. Newsweek, Inc. 29 Mar 1999. Retrieved 8 Sep 2010.
^ Collins, Eamon; McGovern, Mick (1999). Killing rage. London: Granta. p. 50. ISBN 978-1-86207-047-9.
^ Ed Moloney (31 January 1999). "Why Collins died". Sunday Tribune. Retrieved 2007-04-30.
^ Stephen Scott (30 January 1999). "Dead man talking". The Guardian. Retrieved 2007-04-30.
^ a b c "Real IRA denies Collins murder". The Guardian. 29 January 1999. Retrieved 2007-04-30.
External links[edit]
Republic Of Pain
Statement by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. David Andrews, TD on the killing of Eamon Collins Dept. of Foreign Affairs.

Authority control

VIAF: 62288029

1954 births
1999 deaths
People from County Armagh
Writers from Northern Ireland
People from Newry
People killed during The Troubles (Northern Ireland)
Provisional Irish Republican Army members
People educated at St. Paul's High School, Bessbrook
People killed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army
Irish murder victims
Terrorism deaths in Ireland
People murdered in Ireland

David Cameron Blocks Report that Exposes Tony Blair's Iraq War Crimes

David Cameron is blocking publication of the Iraq Inquiry report because it confirms a secret conspiracy by Bush and Blair to take the US and Britain into an illegal war .

By Lindsey German
November 14, 2013 "Information Clearing House -  While David Cameron was laying wreaths of poppies at the Cenotaph this weekend, to remember the past war dead, he has been blocking an inquiry set up to tell the truth about the war in Iraq.

That is the meaning of the refusal of the Cabinet secretary, Sir Jeremy Heywood, to release records of conversations between then prime minister and US president George Bush, in the run up to the war on Iraq.

These records have been demanded repeatedly by the Chilcot inquiry, set up when Gordon Brown was prime minister, back in 2009. Chilcot said then that his inquiry would take a year and a half, or maybe a bit longer. That would have seen it report over two years ago. But now its publication date has been pushed back into 2014 at least.

While many people were always sceptical that Chilcot's team, handpicked from the British establishment, would land a mortal blow on the former prime minister who now poses as envoy for peace in the Middle East, at the same time no one expected the report to take so long. The hold up will be because the aforementioned Tony Blair wants it to be held up, and he would not be able to do so without the collusion of Cameron.

So whereas the Chilcot Inquiry was set up supposedly to investigate what went wrong in the run up to war in Iraq, the very people responsible for what went wrong are blocking its publication. Tony Blair remains at large urging us on to further wars, most recently in Syria.

In the meantime, records of an estimated 130 conversations between Blair and Bush and then Brown and Bush are being blocked by this top civil servant. In addition there are 25 notes from Blair to Bush and 200 cabinet level discussions also being withheld. This adds up to a lot of conversations, the majority probably damaging to Bush and Blair.

There is a lot at stake here, because Chilcot is trying to get at the precise point at which Blair agreed to go to war alongside Bush over Iraq.

If, as many of us suspect, this deal was made early in 2002, a full year before the invasion actually took place, it would show a conspiracy to go to war which not only ignored its legality or otherwise, but also a wilful series of deceits carried out by Blair and his allies.

The whole charade of government actions in the months before the war would be shown to be just that: the 45 minutes dossier, the distortion of intelligence findings, the demands for a second UN resolution, the blaming of the French for scuppering such a resolution, the pretence of wanting peace if Saddam Hussein would give up his (non existent)weapons of mass destruction.

All these were just so much spin and softening up, trying to get the public and MPs to agree to a war which had already been decided on, and which was clearly about regime change.

Blair's tactic now is to delay as long as possible in the hope that time will soften opinion against him, and that he will be able to continue in a highly political role. Compare Blair's role in international politics to that of any previous modern British prime minister to see how centrally, lucratively, and damagingly, involved he still is. A hostile Chilcot report would make it impossible for him to continue that role, and would open up the long overdue possibility of his facing war crimes proceedings.

As government ministers huff and puff about whistleblowers' revelations about state surveillance, we should remember that they have a lot to hide. All discussions between the main protagonists in taking us to war in Iraq should be made public so we can judge for ourselves who was at fault. There is no justifiable reason for secrecy except to save the faces of those involved, and to allow them to remain rich, powerful and protected.

We owe it to the millions who suffered from the Iraq war and to the millions who demonstrated against it, to ensure that the truth comes out.

Tony Blair kept Cabinet in the dark over Iraq 'deliberately' as ministers evaluated case for war in 2003

Lord Butler suggests former Prime Minister excluded members of the Government from the decision-making process

Members of Tony Blair’s Cabinet were “deliberately” excluded from seeing key documents drawn up by officials examining the case for war against Iraq, a former head of the Civil Service has claimed.
Lord Butler, who led the Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction in the aftermath of the invasion, said there was no shortage of “very good” information available to help ministers evaluate the case for war in 2003.
But in remarks to a Foreign Office seminar, Lord Butler suggested that the former Prime Minister had intentionally kept the documents away from the majority of the Cabinet. “A lot of very good official papers were prepared,” he said. “None was ever circulated to the Cabinet, just as the Attorney General’s advice [on the legality of the war] was not circulated to the Cabinet.
“So, the Cabinet was not as well-informed as the three leading protagonists: the Prime Minister, the Defence Secretary and the Foreign Secretary... I think that was deliberate, and it was a weakness of the machinery that underlay that particular decision.”
Lord Butler’s comments, unearthed by Civil Service World magazine, are significant because, while he has previously criticised Mr Blair’s style of “sofa government”, he has not suggested a deliberate intention to exclude wider members of the Government from the decision-making process.
Although Lord Butler was no longer Cabinet Secretary at the time of the Iraq war, he chaired the independent Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction in 2004 and remains in close contact with senior civil servants who were working in Whitehall at the time.
Lord Butler added that his understanding was that Mr Blair used presentations to summarise briefings on Iraq to the wider Cabinet. But he said he did not think these were a satisfactory substitute for access to full documentation. 
“There were a lot of PowerPoint presentations, which is not nearly as good,” he said.
He later added: “One of my greatest criticisms of the Blair government was what I felt was a decline of collective decision-making.”
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