BAN THE ORANGE ORDER #OOsashesOff

The IRA is a non sectarian organization, whose purpose is to achieve a united Ireland. The Orange Order is a sectarian organization, whose goal is to maintain the union with the UK. Both secretly support violence, to achieve their ideals. The IRA is illegal, the Orange Order is not. Commonsense would suggest there is an anomaly, and that it is as inappropriate for the Orange Order to parade, with their paraphernalia through nationalist areas, as it would be for the IRA to parade through a loyalist area in their paraphernalia. A basic requirement of any Genuine Peace Process, would require equality or at the minimum compromise in this matter. 

Ban the Orange Order or reform it.

Responsible department: Northern Ireland Office

The Orange Order has for years created segregation throughout the UK, particularly in Northern Ireland. They claim to celebrate religious liberty, but exclude those who do not belong to a Protestant denomination. They celebrate a victorious battle that was won by both Catholics and Protestants, yet they exclude Catholics and see that Victory as a Victory over Catholicism. In today's democratic age, it seems absurd that such an institution is allowed to march freely and to promote it's sectarianism and bigotry. Either ban this institution, or introduce an open door policy, open to anyone regardless of religion to truly represent religious liberty and let it be open to all who wish to celebrate the Victory of the Battle of the Boyne and support the Union. Only if one of these actions is taken will there truly be Religious liberty and unity in this country.

This e-petition has been rejected with the following reason given:

E-petitions cannot be used to request action on issues that are outside the responsibility of the government. This includes:

• party political material
• commercial endorsements including the promotion of any product, service or publication
• issues that are dealt with by devolved bodies, eg The Scottish Parliament
• correspondence on personal issues

http://twubs.com/OOsashesOff

Internet Movement, campaigning to disband Freemason hate society of the Orange Order and declare them an illegal organization.

1. #OOsashesOff

2. Orange Order - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

   en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orange_Order
3. The Loyal Orange Institution, more commonly known as the Orange Order, is a Protestant fraternal organisation based primarily in Northern Ireland. It was founded in County Armagh in 1795 – during a period of Protestant-Catholic sectarian conflict – as a Masonic-style brotherhood sworn to defend Protestant supremacy.

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BURIED STORIES OF PRISON PLANET NEWRY

“Truth is stranger than fiction, but it is because Fiction is obliged to stick to possibilities; Truth isn't.” ― Mark Twain The army asked me to make bombs for the IRA, told me I had the Prime Minister's blessing ... then tried to kill me Neil Mackay Exclusive: confessions of a secret agent turned terrorist KEVIN Fulton is very clear about where the orders were coming from. 'I was told that this was sanctioned right at the top,' he says, sipping a Pepsi in the bar of a Glasgow hotel. 'I was told 'there'll be no medals for this, and no recognition, but this goes the whole way to the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister knows what you are doing.' This was 1980, and if Margaret Thatcher knew about the activities of military intelligence agents such as Fulton, then she was also aware her own military officers were planning to infiltrate British soldiers as 'moles' into the IRA. These moles were ordered by their handlers to carry out terrorist crimes in order to keep their cover within the Provos so they could feed information on other leading republicans back to security forces. For almost two years the Sunday Herald has been investigating the activities of the FRU -- the Force Research Unit, an ultra-secret wing of British military intelligence. Fulton worked for the FRU for much of his career as an IRA mole. This unit, which has been under investigation by Scotland Yard commissioner Sir John Stevens for more than a decade, was involved in the murder of civilians in Northern Ireland. Nicholas Benwell, a detective sergeant formerly attached to the Stevens Inquiry, says the Scotland Yard team came to one conclusion: that military intelligence was colluding with terrorists to help them kill so-called 'legitimate targets' such as active republicans. FRU handlers passed documents and photographs to their agents operating within paramilitary groups detailing targets' movements and the whereabouts of their homes. Pictures were also handed over to help gunmen identify their victims. But there was a problem. The targeting was far from professional and many of the victims of these government-backed hit squads were innocent civilians. In 1989 the FRU passed information to the UDA which the loyalist gang used to murder the Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane, who was shot dead in front of his wife and children. Last week, Prime Minister Tony Blair pledged that the Government was determined to uncover the truth about Finucane's murder. The Canadian judge Peter Cory who was called in by the government to investigate the case is expected to recommend a public inquiry. The Irish government is also pressing for an inquiry of its own. So who was the overall controller of the FRU with its 'licence to kill' republicans? Until now it seemed that responsibility for the activities of the FRU rested on the shoulders of one man -- Brigadier Gordon Kerr, the Scottish officer who led the unit and is now the British military attach? to Beijing. A two-part BBC Panorama programme, concluding tonight, much of it based on the Sunday Herald's previous investigations, puts Kerr squarely in the frame. But if Fulton's claims are correct, then Kerr, soon to be questioned by the Stevens team, was just one link in a chain of command which went all the way to the cabinet and the Prime Minister. As Fulton says: 'Kerr was just following orders. Soldiers don't make up the rules, they just do as they're told.' Fulton's story begins in 1979. He was 19, and had just enlisted in the First Battalion Royal Irish Rangers. Kevin Fulton isn't his real name, but a pseudonym used to protect his identity since turning whistle-blower on the activities of the British military, the RUC and the security services in Ulster's 'dirty war'. His work for military intelligence has been confirmed by FRU sources. Fulton's military file quickly found its way onto the desks of the Intelligence Corps, the regiment which includes the FRU. It made interesting reading. Here was a Catholic from Newry, in the heart of a republican strong-hold, who seemed a loyal servant of the Crown. After only a few weeks in the army, Fulton's staff sergeant approached him. 'I was told that some guys from military intelligence wanted to speak to me,' Fulton says. 'They asked me if I'd like to work for them and I said 'no' as I wanted to remain in uniform. They told me to think about the offer. They added that I shouldn't tell anyone about the visit and that if I was asked I should say they were from a military welfare group. The next time we met they asked me if I'd go to Newry with them. We looked through pictures of local characters and I put names to faces, saying if they had a republican background or not.' The two FRU officers, one of whom was Scottish, continued to try and persuade him to work with them. 'They confessed they needed guys like me -- Catholics from that part of Northern Ireland -- in order to get inside the Provos,' he says. Fulton was still unsure, so the FRU asked him if he could help recruit a Catholic civilian in Newry who might be willing to go inside the IRA. He did. It was an old friend, who he refers to as Agent Washington. He and Fulton accompanied FRU members to the army training camp at Ballykinlar in County Down. 'He was given weapons training. They taught him how to fire an M16, AK-47s, Remington wingmaster shotguns, Sterling sub-machine guns and a Browning 9mm,' says Fulton. 'Remember that this was a civilian going inside the IRA.' Fulton finally decided he'd work with military intelligence. In 1981, he was officially given a compassionate discharge from his regiment on the fictitious grounds that his father was seriously ill. He also received papers claiming he'd been thrown out for republican sympathies -- a great document to present to the IRA men he would soon befriend. From then until 1995, Fulton remained on full army pay as he worked his way through the ranks of the IRA. He began drinking in republican bars in Dundalk and socialising with senior IRA officers, including Patrick Joseph Blair, who the Sunday Herald named this year as one of the men behind the Omagh bombing. Blair later went on to became Fulton's 'mentor'. Not long after his discharge, he told one prominent IRA man that he wanted to join the organisation. He was taken to a room above a bar and confronted by a number of men in balaclavas. 'I'd told them that I'd been kicked out of the army and they started shouting at me saying 'So you're telling us you'd shoot your f***ing comrades if you saw them in Crossmaglen?' I said 'Yes, of course'. 'They started calling me a tout (republican slang for an informer) and saying they were going to shoot me. Eventually, they dragged me outside. They told me to kneel and say the Act of Contrition. I heard a huge bang behind me. It was them banging a big bit of wood on the ground to pretend to be a gunshot. They were testing me. They told me to come back when I was ready. 'My handlers thought this was great. I offered my services to the IRA saying I'd help carry out robberies to fund them. This was all with the knowledge of my handlers in the FRU. I made pals with a prominent Sinn Fein councillor in Newry who suggested I hijack a lorry carrying TVs. I knew that this would give me credibility, so that's what I did. I took a lorry in Belfast with about £100,000 of TVs inside.' Fulton was later arrested for the robbery and served a year in the Crumlin Road prison in Belfast. Because of his republican connections he was denied the usual privileges of an ODC -- an ordinary decent criminal. This also gave him additional credibility with the IRA. Fulton was released in 1986 and inducted straight into the IRA. 'My handlers told me to do anything to win their confidence. That's what I did. My brief was that if I got into a situation where I couldn't get to my handlers but I had to break the law, I was to try not to take a life. I was to shoot high or blow up a bomb prematurely. But that isn't always possible. If I f***ed up all the time, then the IRA would shoot me. Don't forget I also ran the risk of getting shot by the army and the police. I mixed explosive and I helped develop new types of bombs. I moved weapons. If you ask me, 'Did I kill anyone?' then I will say 'no'. But if you ask me if the materials I handled killed anyone, then I will have to say that some of the things I helped develop did kill. 'I reiterate, my handlers knew everything I did. I was never told not to do something that was discussed. How can you pretend to be a terrorist and not act like one? You can't. You've got to do what they do. The people I was with were hard-hitters. They did a lot of murders. If I couldn't be any good to them, then I was no use to the army either. I had to do what the man standing next to me did.' This took an especially dark turn when Fulton became a member of the IRA's 'internal security squad' -- also know as the 'torture unit' -- which interrogated and executed suspected informers. 'I remember once when a guy had been questioned for three days in a safe-house in the Republic,' says Fulton. 'They eventually rolled out a sheet of plastic and decided we were going to 'nut' him. We drew straws to decide on who would do the shooting. Luckily, I didn't draw the short straw.' In 1992, Fulton told his handlers -- this time in both the FRU and MI5, that his IRA mentor Blair was planning to use a horizontally-fired mortar for an attack on the police. His handlers did nothing. Within days, Blair fired the device at an armoured RUC Land Rover in Newry, in the process killing policewoman Colleen McMurray. Another RUC officer lost both his legs. Fulton then travelled to the US and helped develop light-sensitive bombs, activated by photographic flashes, to overcome the problem of IRA remote-control devices having their detonation signal jammed by army radio units. 'I broke the law seven days a week and my handlers knew that. They knew that I was making bombs and giving them to other members of the IRA and they did nothing about it. If everything I touched turned to shit then I would have been dead. The idea was that the only way to beat the enemy was to penetrate the enemy and be the enemy. At the time I'd no problem with this way of thinking.' The claim that the cabinet and Thatcher knew of these types of operations is startling. Thatcher's office has refused to comment on Fulton's claims. It is known, though, that intelligence supplied by other British army moles inside the republican movement was being read at cabinet level. One such mole, Willie Carlin, was flown out of Northern Ireland in Thatcher's Prime Ministerial jet in 1985 after his cover was blown. As chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, which met weekly at Number 10, Thatcher was kept informed of FRU activities. Whether this ran to the day-to-day details of agent-handling is not known. Thatcher did grant the FRU extra funding to recruit agents in the wake of the IRA's Remembrance Day bombing in Enniskillen. Fulton split with both the IRA and military intelligence in the mid-1990s after a number of terrorist operations went disastrously wrong. Once his handlers told him to get a mobile phone and a car for a planned hit in 1994 on a senior RUC officer in Belfast. The IRA team was arrested on its way to carry out the murder. Fulton believes his handlers thought he had outlived his usefulness and deliberately linked him to the operation before tipping off the police about the plan. By then, the army had secured a far more highly-placed mole within the IRA -- a man still active and codenamed Stakeknife. Fulton is sure that he was compromised, so the IRA would kill him and believe they were free of informers, allowing Stakeknife to pass top-grade information to the military without risk of being detected. 'If I was dead that would have been the end of it,' he says. 'There would have been no embarrassment to the army.' From 1995 until now Fulton has been fighting the MoD -- demanding they clear his criminal record, give him a new identity, a relocation package and provide a military pension. 'If they hadn't screwed me, then I wouldn't be screwing them now,' he says. 'If the IRA ever find me I'm dead. I accept I'm a marked man, but I intend to take everyone down with me who was in on this -- no matter how high up the stink goes.'

NEWRY IRA TWILIGHT ZONE

In the twilight years of Provisional Sinn Fein, when liasing with the IRA, started to become a feature of local political activity in Newry, I was always impressed by the way it was conducted from my own personal experience. Primarily for security reasons, it was logical that we would always go south of the border for any important meeting, which was kept to a minimum at that time. Newry for various reasons, was not a good location for such an event. 

There was always considerable reconnaissance of the adjacent territory, prior to such a meeting. The IRA eliminated telephone line bugs and wiretaps, using wiretap detection sweeps, computer data line taps and bugs. i.e., telecommunications security line sweeps and bug swept the conference room, using electronic room bug sweeping and electronic detection. Their equipment could detect electronic espionage, identifying and locating those bugging devices. Each participant, regardless of status, was body searched and batteries of all electronic equipment, such as mobile phones were removed.

Despite all of these precautions, we have since that time, become aware, of the considerable extent of British infiltration of the IRA, up to it's most senior level. Since then, there has been considerable advancements made in surveillance technology, such as drones, listening devices designed for long distance stake-outs, with built in monoculars, to allow spies, watch everything from a considerable distance.  

The revival of the IRA in the early '70s, generally caught the British unawares and gave the Provisionals a head start. However since that time, the British were sufficiently established and prepared for all subsequent splits in the Republican movement, which enabled them to not alone be aware of the details, but to infiltrate all subsequent groups and place their agents in key positions. Most seasoned republicans are aware of most of these details. However it would appear, many younger idealistic ones are not.

I personally volunteered for the IRA, on three separate occasions, fully aware of the dangers, as a personal reaction, to events around me at that time. With the wisdom of hindsight, I can see, that reactionary politics does not have any future in the long term in Ireland. While the essential problems in Ireland remain the same, the sea, that fish of a successful guerrilla army swim in, is simply not there presently. The high price, that many of highly idealistic youth are currently paying, such as long years of political internment and early graves, I believe is not justified in the present context. There are other avenues for committed Irish republicans to achieve their goals, other than violence.

As Terence McSweeney taught us, morals and ethics are a very important part, of the proper motivation and justification for taking up arms. All other avenues must be exhausted. I personally believe, we will have a united Ireland, albeit not meeting the ideals of most people but a sufficient basis, to realize the dreams of martyrs like Bobby Sands. In fact, I have reluctantly come to the conclusion, that all paramilitary organizations, are currently more of a hindrance, than an asset to achieving our goals and are wide open to abuse in our present materialistic culture, which is degrading this noble tradition. Traditional republicans did not wear masks, neither Che Guevara, in fact he stated that a genuine revolutionary, gird themselves on the inside.

If I appear to be preaching, please forgive me, my analysis may be wrong. This article again will make many enemies but I do have a responsibility to younger people of the next generation, to speak from my own experience. No I do not support Sinn Fein or belong to any political organization or party but I do support Republican Sinn Fein, as founded by Ruairi O'Bradaigh and his colleagues, of which I knew a sufficient number, to be aware, that they were genuine people of considerable integrity, who inherited a noble tradition, who persevered without personal gain at considerable personal cost. Their characters obviously cultivated in adversity, which puts my own selfishness to shame.

 A news article, as reported by the Belfast Telegraph, prompted this article, which raised many questions with myself personally, in the context of this preamble. There are far more qualified people than myself, who would have a far better insight on these matters. This is simply the best I can do for now from my own experience, primarily for the benefit of any young people, considering their political alternatives. I would also add, that Father Raymond Murray, was of considerable help to myself, many years ago, when I found myself in a Catch 22, situation, related to the above matters, at the end of my political activity in Newry. I found him to be a trustworthy man of integrity, whom I would recommend to anyone in a similar situation.

Secret recordings reveal 'plot'

18 NOVEMBER 2014
A dissident republican plot to target judges and police officers in Northern Ireland has been exposed by a covert MI5 operation, a court has heard.


Listening devices placed in a house in Newry, Co Down at the direction of the Security Services has provided the evidence to charge seven men who appeared in court in the city accused of a range of terrorist offences, a police officer told the judge.

The Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) detective sergeant said "somewhere close to 70 hours" of material gathered in the property in Ardcarn Park over a three month period from August included a series of meetings involving "leading key figures of a proscribed organisation".

All seven accused, aged between 30 and 75, were arrested in a raid in Ardcarn Park last week by heavily armed police investigating the activities of the Continuity IRA.

They were all remanded in custody by the district judge at the close of today's short hearing.

Four of the accused are from the Republic of Ireland and three from Northern Ireland.

All have been charged with membership of a proscribed organisation, while six face charges of conspiracy to possess explosives with intent to endanger life, conspiracy to possess firearms and ammunition with intent to endanger life and preparation for acts of terrorism.

Five of the men are also charged with directing terrorism.

As all seven watched on from the crowded dock, a prosecution lawyer asked the detective sergeant to confirm details of the operation that led to the arrests.

"MI5 arranged for a device or number of devices to be placed within an address at Ardcarn Park, Newry," he said.

"A number of meetings were recorded at which the defendants were present."

The officer said those statements were correct.

She also answered "correct" when asked by the lawyer if topics discussed during the meetings included membership of a proscribed organisation; weapons training; funding terrorist activity; plans to commit acts of terrorism; and plans to procure firearms and ammunitions.


The lawyer then asked: "Specific individual police officers were discussed with a view to targeting them?"

The detective sergeant answered: "That is correct."

Asked if "members of the judiciary" were also discussed at the meetings, she again answered in the affirmative.

The lawyer then asked had there also been talk that a dissident member be "taken out" for apparently posting material on the internet.

"That is correct," replied the officer.

The policewoman, who said she had listened to a "substantial proportion" of the 70 hours of recordings, said she could connect all seven to the charges they face.

The five men facing a count of directing terrorism along with the four other charges are Patrick Joseph Blair, 59, from Villas One, Dundalk; Liam James Hannaway, 44, from White Rise, Dunmurry on the outskirts of Belfast; Joseph Matthew Lynch, 73, from Beechgrove Avenue, Limerick; Sean O'Neill, 75, from Quinn's Cottages, Limerick; and Colin Patrick Winters, 43, from Ardcarn Park, Newry.

The man facing four charges is John Sheehy, 30, from Clounmacon, Listowel, Co Kerry.

Seamus Morgan, 58, from Barcroft Park, Newry, faces the solitary charge of membership of a proscribed organisation.

None of them spoke when asked to confirm their identity at the outset of the hearing, which took place amid a significant police presence inside and outside the court.

Some stood while others sat during the legal proceedings that followed.

Lawyers for all seven accused said they did not wish to ask any questions of the detective sergeant.

A lawyer for Morgan said a bail application would be made before the same court on Wednesday. The other six accused were remanded in custody to appear again in four weeks.

As the men were led away at the end of the hearing there was some sporadic applause from supporters in the public gallery.

Five other men detained in the swoop on the property in Ardcarn Park last Monday were subsequently released pending police files being sent to prosecutors for assessment.

IN THE NAME OF THE FATHER MURRAY

Gerry Conlon's request before he died, was to include a prayer at his funeral, for prisoners who are suffering miscarriages of justice today. In his last days he removed his oxygen mask to remind visitors of the injustice of the Craigavon 2. As he struggled to breathe at the end, he repeated over and over, "Don't forget about the Craigavon 2." Gerry believed that the Craigavon 2's Miscarriage of Justice, is today's Guildford Four, Birmingham Six and McGuire family. Please support the campaign for the Craigavon 2 in any way you can, wherever you are, by contacting the relevant officials, spreading the word, sharing this post, demonstrating, letters, etc., in anyway you can. Justice is the foundation of Peace. 

brionOcleirigh

Monsignor Raymond Murray, 

14 November 2014.

The Craigavon Two.

Ireland's Archbishop Tutu, Monsignor Murray statement 

Monsignor Raymond Murray

In October 1978 I delivered speeches to a hundred Congressmen in Washington DC and to the Ad Hoc Committee for Human Rights in Northern Ireland, Philadelphia. Among the demands I listed were an end to 7 Day Detention; an end to torture and ill treatment of arrested persons; an end to imprisonment without trial; an end to long remands without trial; an end to Special Diplock Courts; the release of 18 Irish prisoners in Britain who were innocent. We are still campaigning some forty years later against legal injustice. There is no adequate procedure for undoing miscarriages of justice.



Our sympathy is with the family of Constable Stephen Carroll, 48 year old Catholic member of the PSNI, murdered in the Lismore Manor area of Craigavon, Co. Armagh, in March 2009. We feel for his wife Kate Carroll, his son Shane, and all members of the family who have suffered grievously. The campaign for the Craigavon Two, Brendan McConville and John Paul Wooton sentenced for the murder, views their conviction as a miscarriage of justice. We also feel for them and their families. The campaign points out the flaws in witness and forensic evidence and one of our legal expert speakers on the panel this evening, Sarah Wilson (and assisted by Angela Nelson in this case) has outlined the case of their innocence. Leaflets are also available to you summarizing the flaws.



The campaign for the Craigavon Two is mounting at home and abroad and in particular in the USA due to the great work of Helen McClafferty. It follows fast on the recent campaigns for the release of Marian Price, Martin Corey and Gerry McGeough. John Finucane, solicitor for John Paul Wooton, at a campaign meeting in Belfast, in August this year, said 'A campaign will strengthen any legal avenue and I have seen that personally in my father's case' (i.e. Pat Finucane). We are now seeing also an extraordinary development of international concern in the case of the Craigavon Two (and Julian Icom, Canada, present here this evening, will spread the campaign in Canada, Cuba, and Venezuela). After attending the appeal in their case we were surprised by the long delay in the verdict and shocked at the judgement. We were so confident that they would be released. Now the case goes to the Supreme Court. Your support is urgently needed. Write please to the Secretary of State, Teresa Villiers, to the Minister for Justice David Ford, and to the Taoiseach Enda Kenny. There has been little interest in trials in the North by the Irish Government when doubt is cast on a conviction in a Special Diplock Court. Yes, some TDS in recent years have entered campaigns for justice and are involved in the Craigavon Two campaign. We are grateful to them. Bring your view also before local politicians North and South and to human rights organisations.



A year ago I spoke at a Conference in London organised by personnel from Wiltshire University. After my speech a man approached me flanked by two women. It was Billy Power and his two daughters coming to greet me. The last time I saw him was in Brixton Prison. Billy as you know, innocent man, one of the Birmingham Six, spent 16 years in prison. Fr Denis Faul and I wrote a pamphlet The Birmingham Framework within a year after the conviction of the Birmingham Six and also a broadsheet on the forensic aspects of the case - there was ample evidence in those two publications to prove that they were innocent. Corruption of law meant that they and other innocents at that time were condemned to suffer in jail. Why do we still have to fight cases of legal injustice? I recall after giving a copy of our pamphlet The Birmingham Framework to a journalist asking him some weeks later what he thought, 'Guilty as hell' he said. Yes it took 16 years to build up the truth against hostile government and weak media, to establish counter-action to sentences which found the men guilty. We don't want such a delay in this case. Gerry Conlan lately deceased, R.I.P., one of the Guilford Four, joined in this campaign for the release of Brendan McConville and John Paul Wooton and called loudly for their release. He poured scorn on the evidence against them. He knew what it was like to suffer as an innocent in prison. He did not want them to suffer a similar fate as himself.

Corruption of law!


We had internment in the North in every decade of the Stormont monolithic unionist government. In the 1970s it was introduced with ill-treatment and torture- besides the hooded men in Ballykelly some 400 men within a few months were severely tortured and ill-treated in the Palace Barracks Holywood and Girdwood Park Barracks, Belfast . Even after internment was formally ended in 1975 – a substitute was found – doubling sentences and imposing charges so that innocent people were held in jail for a year and a half before they were found innocent at their trial. The English government was found guilty of torture by the European Commission on Human Rights and guilty of inhuman and degrading treatment by the European Court of Human Rights – their injustice is recorded in legal text books - and the Hooded Men are now bringing their case back to the European Court of Human Rights to have it declared that they had been tortured. Ian Cobain's book Cruel Britannia - A Secret History of Torture(2012) showed how the use of torture had long been a tradition and policy of the British Government. There is still no sense of guilt and reform in British governments regarding the tragedies of the conflict here: are the Ombudsman and The Historic Enquiry Team's work now to be wiped out with a denial of funding and a firm attitude threatening the closure of documentation regarding state violence and crime ? Speaking at the University of Ulster in early November this year European human rights commissioner Nils Muiznieks insisted that the British Government must uphold the rule of law and claimed that it had breached the European Convention of Human Rights by not conducting independent and prompt investigations into conflict killings. The British Government for forty years has avoided its responsibilities in relation to killings carried out by the security forces. Mr Muiznieks said that budget cuts 'should not be used as an excuse to hamper the work of those working for justice'. The British government in these cases and in the cases of convicted innocent people continues to fail victims.



We never have had adequate procedure for undoing miscarriages of justice. We still have Special Courts. During the 30 years conflict Diplock Courts were not acceptable by people seeking truth and justice, and present traces of its workings in the Justice and Security (NI) Act 2007 in non-jury courts with their aura of injustice, are not acceptable. The rule of law in N. Ireland was corrupted by the use of illegal methods of interrogation and by the official efforts to cover up the use of these methods. The end can never justify the means. Justice not expediency is always the principle. Justice, freedom and truth are helped by jury courts. Confidence in the protection of the law is vital to a free society. To retain non-jury courts for certain individuals leads to selectivity and the danger of prejudice. If this is seen in prosecution and preferring of charges then confidence in the courts is undermined. It casts doubts on the objectivity of law officers of the Crown and the police. Law officers depend on security forces (‘intelligence’) for information about crimes committed by private individuals thought to be members or former members of prescribed organizations, and are therefore limited by the quality of their sources of information. Selectivity at stages of the application of the law disturbs peace and justice. During the conflict Catholics/nationalists felt they were denied civil rights and legal justice. This led to alienation. Any measure that indicates retention of selectivity casts doubts on the practice of justice. Will the Stormont government face the problem, has it an interest in it?


And what of ourselves? How can we fail to be anxious and concerned when we hear of injustice inflicted on individuals? The state is supposed to be the servant of its citizens not the master. It always comes down to the individual with a name, a human being. Names, yes, Brendan McConville and John Paul Wooton and their tormented families. They deserve our special attention. We must not seek excuses for ourselves in the matter of injustice by just proclaiming the abstract. We thank you for attending this meeting. It is an indication that you want to be guided by justice and as you have heard this evening where there is injustice there is suffering. I finish with words of Brendan McConville and John Paul Wooton themselves:

'While we must acknowledge that this partial court system is the only mechanism available to us to obtain our eventual release, we also acknowledge that the only real momentum for the realisation of that eventuality will come from you, the public, and not from a system where the presumption of innocence has been replaced by a single judge who along with his traditional role also fulfils the role of the entire jury single-handedly. We place our faith in the jury that really matters and that is the jury of public opinion. We ask that you demand justice for the Craigavon Two and justice for all'.

Raymond Murray, Derry Meeting, 14 November 2014.

WORLD'S ECONOMISTS Call Ireland Stupid

In this Keiser Report, Max Keiser and Stacy Herbert discuss Timothy Franz Geithner the American economic policy maker and central banker, who served as the 75th United States Secretary of the Treasury, under President Barack Obama, calling Ireland stupid and also discuss ‘numpty’ taxes and ‘stupid’ Ireland again as bankers and central bankers, treat everyone else like the ‘muppets’ they believe we are. They also discuss Angela Merkel refusing to meet with Timothy Geithner and how it is that QE is causing deflation. In the second half, Max interviews Matt Taibbi about his Rolling Stone Alayne Fleischmann, exclusive on the JP Morgan whistleblower, Timothy Franz Geithner who was interviewed in the previous episode of the Keiser Report.

#right2water,

CURRENT STATUS OF VIDEO NEEDS TO BE CLARIFIED BY AUTHOR TO AVOID CONFUSION

Currently there is a peaceful revolution happening in Ireland. It is more of a process rather than an event. The people are awakening and rising. The country is approaching a political crossroads, with some hard choices to be made the principal being?

A) A Socialist Republic joining BRICS.

B) Integrating further with a creeping Neo-Fascist Europe.

C) Leave the EU with England for a Federal Republic of Commonwealth.

D) Slide into chaos and anarchy.

While these choices are initially repugnant to most Irish people's ideals, it would be wise, if people considered them carefully, in the cold light of day, in order to make a peaceful transition.

DEC 10 - 1 P.M.  LEINSTER HOUSE 


MAIREAD FARRELL 

OUR HEAD IS OUR BEST WEAPON