TERENCE MAcSWINEY
Late Lord Mayor of Cork
Irish: Toirdhealbhach Mac Suibhne; 28 March 1879 – 25 October 1920) was an Irish playwright, author and politician. He was elected Lord Mayor of Cork during the Irish War of Independence in 1920. He was arrested by the British on charges of sedition and imprisoned in Brixton prison in England. His death there in October 1920 after 74 days on hunger strike brought him and the Irish struggle to international attention.
A collection of his writings, entitled Principles of Freedom, was published posthumously in 1921. It was based upon articles MacSwiney contributed toIrish Freedom during 1911–1912. MacSwiney's life and work had a particular impact on Mahatma Gandhi(Be The Change You Want to see) counted him among his influences.
PRINCIPLES OF
FREEDOM
BY
TERENCE MAcSWINEY
LATE LORD MAYOR OF CORK
PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM
CHAPTER I
THE BASIS OF FREEDOM
WHY should we fight for freedom ? Is
it not strange, that it has become
necessary to ask and answer this ques-
tion? We have fought our fight for
centuries, and contending parties still
continue the struggle, but the real sig-
nificance of the struggle and its true
motive force are hardly at all understood,
and there is a curious but logical result.
Men technically on the same side are
separated by differences wide and deep,
both of ideal and plan of action; while,
conversely, men technically opposed have
perhaps more in common than we realise
in a sense deeper than we understand.
PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM
II
This is the question I would discuss. I
find in practice everywhere in Ireland
it is worse out of Ireland the doctrine,
"The end justifies the means."
One party will denounce another for the
use of discreditable tactics, but it will
have no hesitation in using such itself if
it can thereby snatch a discreditable vic-
tory. So, clear speaking is needed : a
fight that is not clean-handed will make
victory more disgraceful than any defeat.
I make the point here because we stand
for separation from the British Empire,
and because I have heard it argued that
we ought, if we could, make a foreign
alliance to crush English power here,
even i our foreign allies were engaged in
crushing freedom elsewhere. When such
a question can be proposed it should be
answered, though the time is not ripe to
test it. If Ireland were to win freedom
by helping directly or indirectly to crush
another people she would earn the execra-
tion she has herself poured out on tyranny
for ages. I have come to see it is possible
for Ireland to win her independence by
THE BASIS OF FREEDOM 3
base methods. It is imperative, therefore,
that we should declare ourselves and know
where we stand. And I stand by this
principle : no physical victory can com-
pensate for spiritual surrender. Whatever
side denies that is not my side.
What, then, is the true basis to our
claim to freedom? There are two points
of view. The first we have when fresh
from school, still in our teens, ready to tilt
against everyone and everything, delight-
ing in saying smart things and able
sometimes to say them talking much
and boldly of freedom, but satisfied if the
thing sounds bravely. There is the later
point of view. We are no longer boys ; we
have come to review the situation, and
take a definite stand in life. We have had
years* of experience, keen struggles, not a
little bitterness, and we are steadied. We
feel a heart-beat for deeper things. It is
no longer sufficient that they sound
bravely ; they must ring true. The school-
boy's dream is more of a Roman triumph
tramping armies, shouting multitudes,
waving banners all good enough in their
way. But the dream of men is for some-
thing beyond all this show. If it were not,
it could hardly claim a sacrifice.
PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM
ill
A spiritual necessity makes the true
significance of our claim to freedom : the
material aspect is only a secondary con-
sideration. A man facing life is gifted
with certain powers of soul and body. It
is of vital importance to himself and the
community that he be given a full oppor-
tunity to develop his powers, and to fill his
place worthily. In a free state he is in the
natural environment for full self-develop-
ment. In an enslaved state it is the
reverse. When one country holds another
in subjection that other suffers materially
and morally. It suffers materially, being
a prey for plunder. It suffers morally be-
cause of the corrupt influences the bigger
nation sets at work to maintain its as-
cendancy. Because of this moral corrup-
tion national subjection should be resisted,
as a state fostering vice; and as in the
case of vice, when we understand it we
have no option but to fight. With it we
can make no terms. It is the duty of the
rightful power to develop the best in its
THE BASIS OF FREEDOM 5
subjects : it is the practice of the usurping
power to develop the basest. Our history
affords many examples. When our rulers
visit Ireland they bestow favours and
titles on the supporters of their regime
but it is always seen that the greatest
favours and highest titles are not for the
honest adherent of their power but for
him who has betrayed the national cause
that he entered public life to support.
Observe the men who might be respected
are passed over for him who ought to be
despised. In the corrupt politician there
was surely a better nature. A free state
would have encouraged and developed it.
The usurping state titled him for the use
of his baser instincts. Such allurement
must mean demoralisation. We are none
of us angels, and under the best of circum-
stances find it hard to do worthy things;
when all the temptation is to do unworthy
things we are demoralised. Most of us,
happily, will not give ourselves over to
the evil influence, but we lose faith in the
ideal. We are apathetic. We have powers
and let them lie fallow. Our minds should
be restless for noble and beautiful things ;
they are hopeless in a land everywhere
confined and wasted. In the destruction
6 PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM
of spirit entailed lies the deeper signi-
ficance of our claim to freedom.
IV
It is a spiritual appeal, then, that
primarily moves us. We are urged to
action by a beautiful ideal. The motive
force must be likewise true and beautiful.
It is love of country that inspires us; not
hate of the enemy and desire for full satis-
faction for the past. Pause awhile. We
are all irritated now and then by some
mawkish interpretation of our motive
force that makes it seem a weakly thing,
invoked to help us in evading difficulties
instead of conquering them. Love in any
genuine form is strong, vital and warm-
blooded. Let it not be confused with any
flabby substitute. Take a parallel case.
Should we, because of the mawkishness of
a " Princess Novelette," deride the beauti-
ful dream that keeps ages wondering and
joyous, that is occasionally caught up in
the words of genius, as when Shelley
sings : " I arise from dreams of thee " ?
When foolish people make a sacred thing
seem silly, let us at least be sane. The
THE BASIS OF FREEDOM 7
man who cries out for the sacred thing
but voices a universal need. To exist, the
healthy mind must have beautiful things
the rapture of a song, the music of
running water, the glory of the sunset and
its dreams, and the deeper dreams of the
dawn. It is nothing but love of country
that rouses us to make our land full-
blooded and beautiful where now she is
pallid and wasted. This, too, has its
deeper significance.
If we want full revenge for the past the
best way to get it is to remain as we are.
As we are, Ireland is a menace to Eng-
land. We need not debate this she
herself admits it by her continued efforts
to pacify us in her own stupid way. Would
she not ignore us if it were quite safe so
to do? On the other hand, if we succeed
in our efforts to separate from her, the
benefit to England will be second only to
our own. This might strike us strangely,
but 'tis true, not the less true because the
English people could hardly understand
or appreciate it now. The military de-
fence of Ireland is almost farcical. A free
8 PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM
Ireland could make it a reality could
make it strong against invasion. This
would secure England from attack on our
side. No one is, I take it, so foolish as to
suppose, being free, we would enter
quarrels not our own. We should remain
neutral. Our common sense would so dic-
tate, our sense of right would so demand.
The freedom of a nation carries with it
the responsibility x that it be no menace to
the freedom of another nation. The free-
dom of all makes for the security of all.
If there are tyrannies on earth one nation
cannot set things right, but it is still
bound so to order its own affairs as to be
consistent with universal freedom and
friendship. And, again, strange as it may
seem, separation from England will alone
make for final friendship with England.
For no one is so foolish as to wish to be
for ever at war with England. It is un-
thinkable. Now the most beautiful motive
for freedom is vindicated. Our liberty
stands to benefit the enemy instead of in-
juring him. If we want to injure him, we
should remain as we are a menace to
him. The opportunity will come, but it
would hardly make us happy. This but
makes clear a need of the human race.
THE BASIS OF FREEDOM 9
Freedom rightly considered is not a mere
setting-up of a number of independent
units. It makes for harmony among
nations and good fellowship on earth.
VI
I have written carefully that no one
may escape the conclusion. It is clear and
exacting, but in the issue it is beautiful.
We fight for freedom not for the vanity
of the world, not to have a fine conceit of
ourselves, not to be as bad or if we prefer
to put it so, as big as our neighbours. The
inspiration is drawn from a deeper ele-
ment of our being. We stifle for self-
development individually and as a nation.
If we don't go forward we must go down.
It is a matter of life and death; it is OUT
soul's salvation. If the whole nation stand
for it, we are happy; we shall be grandly
victorious. If only a few are faithful found
they must be the more steadfast for being
but a few. They stand for an individual
right that is inalienable. A majority has
no right to annul it, and no power to de-
stroy it. Tyrannies may persecute, slay,
or banish those who defend it; the thing
10 PRINCIPLES OF FREEDOM
is indestructible. It does not need legions
to protect it nor genius to proclaim it,
though the poets have always glorified it,
and the legions will ultimately acknow-
ledge it. One man alone may vindicate it,
and because that one man has never failed
it has never died. Not, indeed, that Ire-
land has ever been reduced to a single
loyal son. She never will be. We have
not survived the centuries to be conquered
now. But the profound significance of
the struggle, of its deep spiritual appeal, of
the imperative need for a motive force as
lofty and beautiful, of the consciousness
that worthy winning of freedom is a
labour for human brotherhood; the sig-
nificance of it all is seen in the obligation
it imposes on everyone to be true, the ma-
jority notwithstanding. He is called to a
grave charge who is called to resist the
majority. But he will resist, knowing his
victory will lead them to a dearer dream
than they had ever known. He will fight
for that ideal in obscurity, little heeded
in the open, misunderstood; in humble
places, still undaunted; in high places,
seizing every vantage point, never crushed,
never silent, never despairing, cheering a
few comrades with hope for the morrow.
THE BASIS OF FREEDOM 11
And should these few sink in the struggle
the greatness of the ideal is proven in the
last hour; as they fall their country
awakens to their dream, and he who in-
spired and sustained them is justified;
justified against the whole race, he who
once stood alone against them. In the
hour he falls he is the saviour of his race.
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