Sunday 9 September 2012

EATING BABIES THE VILLIERS OCCUPIED IRELAND LEGACY







What about the Villiers Family ?


"I have been assured .. in London; that a young healthy Child, well nursed, is, at a Year old, a most delicious, nourishing, and wholesome Food; whether Stewed, Roasted, Baked, or Boiled; and, I make no doubt, that it will equally serve in a Fricasie, or Ragoust."
—Jonathan Swift, A Modest Proposal



George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham  28 August 1592 – 23 August 1628) was the favourite, claimed to be the lover, of King James I of England and despite a very poor political and military record remained at the height of royal favour for the reign of Charles I, until he was assassinated. He was one of the most rewarded royal courtiers in all history.


Born in Brooksby, Leicestershire, the son of the minor gentleman Sir George Villiers 1550–1604, he could dance well, fence well, and speak a little French. In August 1614, Villiers, reputedly "the handsomest-bodied man in all of England",was brought before the king, in the hope that the king would take a fancy to him, diminishing the power at court of then favourite Robert Carr, 1st Earl of Somerset.

Following Villiers' introduction the king developed a strong affection for Villiers, calling him his "sweet child and wife"; the personal relationships of James are a much debated topic, with Villiers making the last of a succession of favourites on whom James lavished affection and rewards. The extent to which there was a sexual element, or a physical sexual relationship, involved in these cases remains controversial. Villiers reciprocated the King's love and wrote to James: "I naturally so love your person, and adore all your other parts, which are more than ever one man had" and "I desire only to live in the world for your sake". Restoration of Apethorpe Hall in 2004–2008 revealed a previously unknown passage linking his bedchamber with that of James.

Villiers gained support from those opposed to the current favourite, Robert Carr, 1st Earl of Somerset, and under the King's patronage he prospered greatly. Villiers was knighted in 1615 as a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and was rapidly advanced through the peerage: he was created Baron Whaddon and Viscount Villiers in 1616, Earl of Buckingham in 1617, Marquess of Buckingham in 1618 and finally Earl of Coventry and Duke of Buckingham in 1623. After the reductions in the peerage that had taken place during the Tudor period, Buckingham was left as the highest-ranking subject outside the royal family.

In the 1620s, Villiers acquired York House on the Strand, the street linking the City of London to that of Westminster. Apart from an interlude during the English Civil War, the property remained in the family until his son sold it to developers for £30,000 in 1672. He made it a condition of the sale that his name and title be commemorated by George Street, Villiers Street, Duke Street, Of Alley, and Buckingham Street, some of which have survived into the 21st century.

Ireland

From 1616, Buckingham established a dominant influence in Irish affairs, beginning with the appointment of his client, Sir Oliver St John, as Lord Deputy, 1616–1622. Thence, he acquired control of the Irish customs farm, dominated Irish patronage at court, particularly with the sale of Irish titles and honours, and (from 1618) began to build substantial Irish estates for himself, his family and clients—with the aid of a plantation lobby, composed of official clients in Dublin. To the same end, he secured the creation of an Irish Court of Wards in 1622. Buckingham's influence thus crucially sustained a forward Irish plantation policy into the 1620s.
Relations with Parliament, 1621–1624

The 1621 Parliament began an investigation into monopolies and other abuses in England and extended it later to Ireland; in this first session, Buckingham was quick to side with the Parliament to avoid action being taken against him. However, the king's decision in the summer of 1621 to send a commission of enquiry, including parliamentary firebrands, to Ireland threatened to expose Buckingham's growing, often clandestine interests there. Knowing that, in the summer, the king had assured the Spanish ambassador that the Parliament would not be allowed to imperil a Spanish matrimonial alliance, he therefore surreptitiously instigated a conflict between the Parliament and the king over the Spanish Match, which resulted in a premature dissolution of the Parliament in December 1621 and a hobbling of the Irish commission in 1622. Irish reforms nevertheless introduced by Lionel Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex, in 1623–1624 were largely nullified by the impeachment and disgrace of the pacific Lord Treasurer in the violently anti-Spanish 1624 parliament spurred on by Buckingham and Prince Charles.


George William Frederick Villiers , fourth Earl of Clarendon and fourth Baron Hyde (1800-1870)

In 1823 Villiers was appointed a commissioner of customs, and from 1827 to 1829 was in Ireland arranging the details of the union of the English and the Irish excise boards. He became at this time intimate with Irish affairs, and was one of those frequently consulted in private by the lord lieutenant, the Marquis of AngleseyIn 1847 he was nominated lord lieutenant of Ireland where Clarendon almost at once pressed the cabinet for further coercive powers, not all of which were conceded. During his term of office he was involved with the holocaust that cost 6 million Irish lives, the Young Ireland agitation, the Smith O'Brien rising, the Orange disturbances. He came into conflict with all parties in turn, and was detested impartially by all. With the extreme protestant party he had great difficulty. His life was constantly threatened, and for a time he was almost a prisoner in Dublin Castle. 

His letters to Henry Reeve, with whom he constantly corresponded from 1846, show that he considered the position in Ireland so critical that a slight mistake on the part of government might involve grave disaster. Although his industry and philanthropy were conspicuous, his services to Ireland great, and his failures chiefly due to the circumstances of his time, he earned for himself more censure than thanks. Lord Derby attacked him in the House of Lords on 18 February 1850 for striking Lord Roden's name out of the commission of the peace in the previous October in consequence of the riot at Dolly's Brae on 12 July 1849, and Clarendon, who had come over from Ireland on purpose, replied with effect in a survey of his policy, which was afterwards published.

 The merits and achievements of his lord-lieutenancy are well tabulated and explained in the Edinburgh Review; the Orange side of the question is stated with vigour and even violence in the Quarterly Review and the Dublin University Magazine. The measure which he was most instrumental in passing through parliament, and most relied upon, was the Encumbered Estates Act, and this certainly proved no settlement of the agricultural question. 

Villier's administration was involved in war crimes and crimes against humanity in Ireland. In the engineered holocaust called the famine he resisted pressure, that urged a general government importation of food and a general prohibition of the export of prime livestock and food exported under military escort out of Ireland while 6 million Irish starved. He repressed Ireland with military force, in a period of conspiracy and revolution amid the starving 6 million Irish.He didn't simply grab Ireland's surplus food to save England from Europe's potato blight but took it for profit and yo exterminate the people of Ireland, While his economist Nassau expressed doubts, that the Irish holocaust "will not kill more than one million Irish in 1848 and that will scarcely be enough to do much good, " his colleague screamed Trevelyan replied "We must not complain of what we really want to obtain." 

There was a "disappearance" of 6,257,456. This population-loss figure of 6,257,456 is scarcely susceptible to significant challenge, being derived directly from the British government's own censuses for Ireland.  We invite bona fide documentation of the foregoing; whether in confirmation or rebuttal. Economists and historians are disqualified if their published work on the events of 1845-1850 covers up the British army's central role therein. Such individuals lack the standing to participate in this truth-quest. 

Villier's refused entry of American food relief ships such as the Sociere and prevented aid from the middle-east while Thomas Carlyle wrote,  "Ireland is like a half-starved rat that crosses the path of an elephant. What must the elephant do? Squelch it - by heavens - squelch it." "Total Annihilation;" screamed the Times leader of September 2, 1846 and its editor boasted in 1848  "A Celt will soon be as rare on the banks of the Shannon as the red man on the banks of Manhattan." On 23 March 1849 Villiers was awarded the order of the Garter by the queen of England for ethnically cleansing Ireland so effectively, departing from the usual practice, desired him not to surrender the insignia of the Bath, as he had so fully merited both distinctions.



Theresa Villiers  descendant of British War Criminals crowned Vice-royal of British Occupied Ireland on 4th September 2012

Villiers born in London in 1968, the daughter of George Edward Villiers and Anne Virginia (née Threlfall). On her father's side she is a descendant of Edward Ernest Villiers (1806–1843), brother of George Villiers, 4th Earl of Clarendon.

John Mitchell from Newry was sent into exile for being a truth teller about Villiers and his colleagues. Ireland's truth-tellersdont receive Nobels. The Big Lie prevails prevails the Irish Holocaust deniers started when Villier's government genocidally stripped Ireland of its abundant foodstuffs while internationally it was begging help for the "starving Irish." John Mitchel remonstrated; "Many will, perhaps, be surprised to learn neither Ireland, nor anybody in Ireland ever asked alms or favors of any kind, either from England or from any other nation or people. On the contrary, it was England herself that begged for us, asking a penny, for the love of God, to relieve the poor Irish. And further, constituting herself the almoner and agent of all that charity, she, England, took all the profit of it." Mitchel again; 'Thus any man who had a house, no matter how wretched, was to pay the new tax; and every man was bound to have a house; for if found out of doors after sunset; and convicted of that offence, he was to be transported for fifteen years, or imprisoned for three - the court to have the discretion of adding hard labor or solitary confinement. This law would drive the survivors of ejected people (those who did not die of hunger) into the poorhouses or to America; because, being bound to be at home after sunset, and having neither house nor home, they would be all in the absolute power of the police, and in continual peril of transportation to the colonies (Australian slave labor camps). By another act of parliament the police force was increased, and taken more immediately into the service of the Crown; the Irish counties were in part relieved from their pay; and they became, in all senses, a portion of the regular army. They amounted to twelve thousand chosen men, well armed and drilled. The police were always at the command of sheriffs for executing ejectments; and if they were not in sufficient force, troops of the line could be had from the nearest garrison. No wonder that the London Times, within less than three years after, was enabled to say; 'Law has ridden roughshod through Ireland, it has been taught with bayonet, and interpreted with ruin. Townships levelled with the ground, straggling columns of exiles, workhouses multiplied, and still crowded, express the determination of the legislature to remove Ireland from its slovenly old barbarism, and to plant the institutions of this more civilized land' (meaning England!)" Mitchel also wrote; "Steadily, but surely, the 'Government' was working out its calculation; and the produce anticipated by 'political circles' was likely to come out about September (of 1847), in round numbers - two millions of Irish corpses." 

Ireland unlike Israel has never had a formal apology for the holocaust committed by the British in Ireland nor has it like the Jews received the hundreds of billions of pounds due in war reparations to confirm a genuine apology. It has instead spent millions on revisionist historians including west Brits airbrushing the truth from history books and being paid holocaust deniers.




Dublin March to Free Marian Price
dublin / rights and freedoms / event notice Monday August 20, 2012 17:56 by Fearfeasa 2 comments (last - thursday august 23, 2012 23:02)
A March is being organized in Dublin on Sat. 15th September at 2 p.m. Starting at the Garden of Remembrance, to O'Connell Bridge and back to the GPO, where we will have prominent speakers and some music.
Join with us and call for Freedom for Marian Price agus support human rights for all political prisoners.

Mórshiúl i mBaile Átha Cliath chun Marian Price a shaoradh
dublin / rights and freedoms / event notice Monday August 20, 2012 17:39 by Fearfeasa
Tá mórshiúl á eagrú, oscailte don phobal, i mBaile Átha Cliath ar an Satharn, 15 Meán Fómhair ar 2 p.m. ag an nGáirdin Cuimhneacháin, síos go Droichead Uí Chonaill, agus ag leanúint go Ardoifig an Phoist, áit a mbeidh cainteoirí aitheanta agus ceol.
Bí ann agus tacaigh le saoirse do Mharian Price agus do Chearta Daonna gach príosúnach polaitiúil.

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