Wednesday, 11 June 2014

GERRY ADAMS BOTH SIDES NOW







URBAN DICTIONARY

1. Tacit Enabler - Supports another's bad habits by staying silent.

2. Overt Enabler - Supports another's bad habits by providing assistance such as money, transportation, approval, etc...

A person who supports another person's bad or dangerous habits.

Enablers tend to fear calling others on their destructive habits because these "others" tend to be friends, family or others close to the enabler.

Thus, rather than risk losing the love, respect, friendship or contact with the person, the enabler chooses instead to play it safe and watch the other slowly destroy themselves or others through their own actions.
1. Bob: Hey Mike, I'm gonna go to the bar, slip a little something into some bitch's drink and fuck her rotten in the bathroom!
Mike, the Tacit Enabler: (Noncommital grunt

2. Bob: Hey Mike, I gotta bring this crack over to that father of four. Give me a lift?
Mike, the Overt Enabler: ...Yeah, hold on.



Demographic pressures, including pressures deriving from centuries of British mentored sectarianism, following a British genocide of the native population, followed by a plantation, which spawned insecure British bigotry, racism and fascism. The pressure from the plantation population's settlement and its alien attributes, enabled the border disputes, ownership and occupancy of land, control of religious worship and historical identity, that fuels the divide and rule bloody tactics of the British today.Massive movement of refugees and internally displaced Irish persons, with the forced uprooting of large Irish communities, south of the border, as a result British inspired pogroms both of random and targeted violence with repression, causes food shortage, disease, lack of clean water, lack of public housing and violent turmoil, leading to a spiral of larger humanitarian and security misery, as Irish political refugees are forced south.

A legacy of vengeance and Irish grievance based on recent censored British atrocities and war crimes in Ireland, on top of numerous past injustices, and the Holocaust with other British war crimes, dating back eight centuries,  which includes atrocities committed with impunity, against the native local Irish communal groups and specific Irish groups singled out by British scumstate authorities, and their mentored orange dominant groups, for persecution or repression. Centuries of British Institutionalized political exclusion, public scapegoating of Irish groups, who achieve a limited status or power, is still evidenced today, with the emergence of "hate fleggers" , pamphleteering and stereotyping, nationalist political groups.Chronic and sustained human flight in both the " native brain drain" of professionals, intellectuals, political dissidents and forced emigration of "the middle class" fuels the growth of politicized exile communities, free from British censorship are also part of the equation.

The economic indicators of the failed British ScumState of Occupied Ireland, are the uneven economic development along sectarian lines, which still persists today, predetermined by group based inequality and residual inequality, in education, jobs, and economic status, the native Irish based poverty levels are growing, while infant mortality rates and education levels are unacceptable as the native Irish are kept on contrived ignorance and misery.
The sharp and severe economic decline in British Occupied Irish society as a whole and the regular failure of state banks, to pay salaries of government employees, their occupation forces and meet other financial obligations to Irish citizens, claimed by the British to be Her Majesty's commoners, is another indication of the failed British scumstate. Political indicators, include the criminalization by the British state, of the Irish language , Irish identity and legitimate political expression, endemic in Orange corruption and profiteering by the fascist ruling Orange Order elites and their resistance to transparency, accountability in political representation. Widespread absence of popular confidence in British state institutions and processes are endemic.

The progressive deterioration of public services, the disappearance of basic state functions, that serve the people, including failure to protect immigrant citizens from Orange fascist terrorism and violence or to provide civilized essential services, such as health, education, sanitation, public transportation, are further indicators of the failed ScumState. Using the ScumState's apparatus for agencies that serve the British mentored ruling elites, such as the RUC insecurity forces, British Viceroyal staff, Central bank, royal services and collection agencies for the City of London.

The British ScumState uses widespread violation of human rights in an authoritarian, dictatorial military rule by Britain's Secret Services, in which constitutional, judicial, democratic institutions and processes are manipulated. Outbreaks of politically inspired sectarian violence against innocent Irish civilians are rampant. A rising large number of political prisoners, including traditional Irish republicans who oppose the British Monarchy in Ireland,along with political dissidents, who are denied the most basic forms of due process, consistent with international norms and practices including political internment by diplock remand, widespread abuse of legal, political and social rights, including individuals, groups, Irish cultural institutions, harassment of the press, politicization of the judiciary, internal use of military assassination for British political ends, public repression of native Irish political opponents, including religious and cultural persecution, are all part of the British ScumState equation.

The ScumState insecurity apparatus includes a "secret psychopathic state within a state," the emergence of a sadistic elite or a praetorian guard, that operate in absolute secrecy, courtesy of a draconian Official Secret's Act, with total impunity. Mentored British state sponsored private, secret, militias, terrorizing political Irish opponents, labelled by the State controlled British media or demonized as enemie. or Irish civilian spies, seen to be sympathetic to the traditional Irish Cause. Private "armies within the British army" that serve only the interests of their old empire of dominant military and political cliques. They also include the emergence of people militias absorbed, guerilla forces in armed struggle in protracted violent campaign, against British state terrorism or counter-terrorism with their insecurity forces.

Intervention by British external state factors in all of the island of Ireland is ongoing, primarily through a web of M16 drug wars in the South, despite a much touted Peace Process, where military and British sponsored loyalist paramilitaries, engage in the internal affairs of Ireland with, external private armies, British state entities terrorizing the native Irish, in the internal balance of power and failing resolution of the Irish conflict.













Questions about Gerry Adams’s motivation remain

Opinion: Why did civil right movement in North become so violent?


‘It may well be that Gerry Adams came to the view that violent nationalism was a virus that needed to be isolated and killed before it infected coming generations, and that this in part explains his role in guiding the republican movement towards peaceful means while striving to prevent a catastrophic split.’ Photograph: Alan Betson / THE IRISH TIMES
Back in the late 1980s, when I was starting out as a Dublin-based journalist, I had the idea of writing a biography of Gerry Adams. My motive for doing so was the difficulty I had with squaring how this pipe-smoking, tweed-wearing man who sounded so reasonable could be a leading light in an organisation responsible for a campaign of ongoing killing and mayhem.
What struck me while working on the book, and still seems to me to be a key observation, is the way the movement for civil rights in Northern Ireland, encouraged as it was by other such movements around the world targeting oppression, became so particularly violent.
The reason for this, I decided, lay in the fact that Adams, and others like him steeped in the culture of Irish republicanism, were of the view from the start that the civil rights question in Northern Ireland would quickly become the national question. And he and other republican true believers were convinced that the national question could be resolved only through violence: the Brits would have to be driven out. Because they held this view, republicans saw the eruption of violence in the North (which they encouraged) as an opportunity. If the scale of the violence and killing could be increased and maintained, the British would tire and leave.
Virus of militant nationalism One of the real terrors in the room was this tradition that gave such a central role to, and so embraced, violence. Militant nationalism could be imagined as a virus that was passed from generation to generation, ready whenever the conditions were favourable to emerge from its slumbers and wreak more havoc.
A bewildering aspect of researching Adams was reading newspaper reports about the truly awful deaths and maiming suffered by the victims of IRA atrocities – for instance the shoppers slaughtered and maimed on Bloody Friday, in 1972, when the IRA set off 26 bombs within 80 minutes in central Belfast – and contrasting this with Adams’s fictional writing.
One short story concerned an IRA volunteer (you have to believe it is Adams) who goes out after curfew in Belfast to help an injured hedgehog. The story is enormously sentimental and it seemed generally that when Adams sat down to write fiction he found himself inescapably drawn to romantic depictions of life in the IRA. Maybe in real life he lay in bed at night in Belfast safe houses while around him in the city people mourned their maimed and their dead, and young British soldiers patrolled the streets, and he thought the whole scenario romantic. This seemed to me then, and still seems to me, to be at least plausible. How else could the stories be explained?
It may well be that Adams came to the view that violent nationalism was a virus that needed to be isolated and killed before it infected coming generations, and that this in part explains his role in guiding the republican movement towards peaceful means while striving to prevent a catastrophic split.
Hindrance It may also be that he decided, long before the ceasefires, the IRA’s campaign should end because it was a hindrance, rather than a contribution, to its stated purpose.
We don’t know exactly what thought processes he went through, and given the dangers of the world in which he existed, and exists, it may be that we never will.
But Adams’s principle political motivation remains his dream of a united Ireland. Personally I think that his stated allegiance to democratic politics is subservient to this dream, and that even if this view is wrong, to act on a belief to the contrary is to take a great risk.
Adams is a member of the Dáil, Sinn Féin is in power in Northern Ireland, the party is on the rise in the Republic, and it seems it will hold the position of Dublin Lord Mayor in Easter 2016. Indeed it is possible it will be in power, north and south of the Border, come the anniversary of the 1916 Rising, the event that did so much to feed the romantic view of political violence which has so blighted this island. It is not difficult to imagine Sinn Féin wanting to use the anniversary to influence popular views on the legitimacy of the Provisional IRA’s campaign, thereby justifying Adams’s career, and providing a boost to the republican tradition.
People who voted Sinn Féin need to pay serious heed to these dangers. At least part of the energy within Sinn Féin comes from its militant nationalist tradition. That tradition is a menace. We should eradicate it.
Gerry Adams, a Biography, by Colm Keena, was published by Mercier Press in 1990.Vincent Browne is on leave
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