PISSED BritScumState PROCESS

2014

2013

Inside the DUP: More than two third believe peace is not permanent

Day 3 of a study that reveals what members of British Occupied Ireland's largest party really think.
BY LIAM CLARKE – 07 JUNE 2014

Just a third of DUP members believe that Northern Ireland has secured a lasting peace process, it can be revealed.
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A major new study of the party has also shown that party members feel closer to the Conservatives than Labour or the Liberal Democrats.

There has been speculation that, with a hung Parliament predicted by many pollsters after the General Election next year, the Tories may do a deal with the DUP's MPs to back them in crucial votes, such as the Budget.

Today the Belfast Telegraph concludes its series on the most extensive study ever undertaken of Peter Robinson's party.

The survey conducted for Professor Jon Tonge's book shows that half of DUP members feel closer to the Conservatives than any other British party, with 38% feeling close to no party, 7% closest to Labour, which has links with the SDLP, and only 3% aligning with the Liberal Democrats.

Those identifying themselves as right-wing and "very religious" feel closest to the Tories.

If it does turn out to have leverage, the DUP will push for economic concessions. However, the survey data also shows deep concerns about security and policing amongst the 75% of DUP members who took part. The party leadership will also want to address these in Stormont, and to push the Government for more economic support.

The majority (52.7%) don't want Westminster to have a say in Northern Ireland.

There is still an attachment to devolution: 91% see devolution of policing powers as important, while 84% think devolution generally is the best long-term policy for Northern Ireland.

The same number think a united Ireland is unlikely to ever occur. When asked if they believed there is a lasting peace in Northern Ireland, just 35.4% agreed or strongly agreed.

There is strong confidence in Mr Robinson as leader. Asked to score him on a scale of one to 10 for competence, members give him a nine, and on trust the score was nearly as high, 8.7%.

Yet power-sharing between unionists and nationalists is only accepted by just over half of members.

There is only a narrow majority of 54% who think it is important for the DUP and Sinn Fein to supply First and Deputy First Minsters.

There is an even narrower majority of 51% believing that nationalists and unionists should share ministries at all, though this is one of the basic building blocks of devolution. This shows through in attitudes towards Martin McGuinness, the Sinn Fein Deputy First Minister, who is widely distrusted and is only rated one out of 10 on the scale.

"I wouldn't trust Sinn Fein from here to the window," one member says. Scarcely more than a third, 36%, think it is a good idea to have Sinn Fein on the Policing Board.

Besides distrusting Sinn Fein, the party faithful worry about dissident republican activity, with 61.9% believing the dissidents pose a major threat.

Mr Robinson is closer to the 36.9% who think it is minor.

He believes the dissidents are "well infiltrated" and "don't have the organisational capacity, numbers, equipment, and indeed strategic thinking to be anything close to what the Provos were doing".

Assembly speaker William Hay is concerned by dissident recruitment. "I do think the threat is growing, there is no doubt of that. It surprises me to see in court young men of 25-26 who weren't even around when the Troubles were in sight."

Other members take an even bleaker view and many are sceptical of the PSNI's ability to contain the threat.

One says: "With the police force as it is, I worry about the capability and capacity." Others suspect the Provisional IRA of holding back weapons from decommissioning to leak to the dissidents.

MP William McCrea recalls the "gallant and honoured RUC", claiming that since police reform "murderers and gangsters now lord it over the long-suffering, law-abiding people".

There is 78% support for the Police Service of Northern Ireland, but a very high level of dissatisfaction – 76% – with 50/50 recruitment of Catholics and Protestants to the new force.

Some 61% believe that the reforms which transformed the RUC into the PSNI have "gone too far".

The launch of The Democratic Unionist Party: From Protest To Power will take place in the Belfast campus of the University of Ulster on June 17 at 6.30pm. Speakers will include Belfast Telegraph political editor Liam Clarke, commentator Alex Kane and academic Dr Katy Hayward

FAILED BritScumState SYMTOMS OCCUPIED IRELAND

Demographic pressures, including pressures deriving from centuries of British mentored sectarianism, following a British genocide of the native population, followed by a plantation, which spawned insecure British bigotry, racism and fascism. The pressure from the plantation population's settlement and its alien attributes, enabled the border disputes, ownership and occupancy of land, control of religious worship and historical identity, that fuels the divide and rule bloody tactics of the British today.

Massive movement of refugees and internally displaced Irish persons, with the forced uprooting of large Irish communities, south of the border, as a result British inspired pogroms both of random and targeted violence with repression, causes food shortage, disease, lack of clean water, lack of public housing and violent turmoil, leading to a spiral of larger humanitarian and security misery, as Irish political refugees are forced south.

A legacy of vengeance and Irish grievance based on recent censored British atrocities and war crimes in Ireland, on top of numerous past injustices, and the Holocaust with other British war crimes, dating back eight centuries,  which includes atrocities committed with impunity, against the native local Irish communal groups and specific Irish groups singled out by British scumstate authorities, and their mentored orange dominant groups, for persecution or repression. Centuries of British Institutionalized political exclusion, public scapegoating of Irish groups, who achieve a limited status or power, is still evidenced today, with the emergence of "hate fleggers" , pamphleteering and stereotyping, nationalist political groups.

Chronic and sustained human flight in both the " native brain drain" of professionals, intellectuals, political dissidents and forced emigration of "the middle class" fuels the growth of politicized exile communities, free from British censorship are also part of the equation.

The economic indicators of the failed British ScumState of Occupied Ireland, are the uneven economic development along sectarian lines, which still persists today. Predetermined by group based inequality and residual inequality, in education, jobs, and economic status, the native Irish based poverty levels are growing, while infant mortality rates and education levels are unacceptable as the native Irish are kept on contrived ignorance and misery.

The sharp and severe economic decline in British Occupied Irish society as a whole and the constant failure of state banks, to pay salaries of government employees, their occupation forces and meet other financial obligations to Irish citizens, claimed by the British to be Her Majesty's commoners is another indication of the failed British scumstate.

Political indicators, include the criminalization by the British state, of the Irish language , Irish identity and legitimate political expression, endemic in Orange corruption and profiteering by the fascist ruling Orange Order elites and their resistance to transparency, accountability in political representation. Widespread absence of popular confidence in British state institutions and processes are endemic.

The progressive deterioration of public services, the disappearance of basic state functions, that serve the people, including failure to protect immigrant citizens from Orange fascist terrorism and violence or to provide civilized essential services, such as health, education, sanitation, public transportation are further indicators of the failed ScumState. Using the ScumState's apparatus for agencies that serve the British mentored ruling elites, such as the RUC insecurity forces, British Viceroyal staff, Central bank, royal services and collection agencies for the City of London.

The British ScumState uses widespread violation of human rights in an authoritarian, dictatorial military rule by Britain's Secret Services, in which constitutional, judicial, democratic institutions and processes are manipulated. Outbreaks of politically inspired sectarian violence against innocent Irish civilians are rampant. A rising large number of political prisoners, including traditional Irish republicans who oppose the British Monarchy in Ireland along with political dissidents, who are denied the most basic forms of due process, consistent with international norms and practices including political internment by diplock remand, widespread abuse of legal, political and social rights, including individuals, groups including Irish cultural institutions, harassment of the press, politicization of the judiciary, internal use of military assassination for British political ends, public repression of native Irish political opponents, including religious and cultural persecution, are all part of the British ScumState equation.

The ScumState insecurity apparatus includes a "secret psychopathic state within a state," the emergence of a sadistic elite or a praetorian guard, that operate in absolute secrecy, courtesy of a draconian Official Secret's Act, with total impunity. Mentored British state sponsored and British state-sponsored, private, secret, militias, terrorize political Irish opponents, labelled by the State controlled British media  or demonized as enemies. or Irish civilian spies, seen to be sympathetic to the Irish Cause. Private "armies within the British army" that serve only the interests of their old empire of dominant military and political cliques. They also include the emergence of people militias, guerilla forces in armed struggle and protracted violent campaign, against British state terrorism or counter-terrorism with their insecurity forces.

Intervention by British external state factors in all of the island Ireland is ongoing, primarily through a web of M16 drug wars in the South despite a much touted Peace Process, where military and British sponsored loyalist paramilitaries engage in the internal affairs of Ireland with outside private armies, British state entities terrorizing the native Irish, in the internal balance of power and failing resolution of the Irish conflict.