Tuesday, 8 October 2013

Nanny of Daughter Shona Came Home Last Night



Zora Neale Hurston – Their Eyes Were Watching God




Janie saw her life like a great tree in leaf with the things suffered, things enjoyed, things done and undone. Dawn and doom was in the branches.
“Ah know exactly what Ah got to tell yuh, but it’s hard to know where to start at.
“Ah ain’t never seen mah papa. And Ah didn’t know ’im if Ah did. Mah mama neither. She was gone from round dere long before Ah wuz big enough tuh know. Mah grandma raised me. Mah grandma and de white folks she worked wid. She had a house out in de back-yard and dat’s where Ah wuz born. They was quality white folks up dere in West Florida. Named Washburn. She had four gran’chillun on de place and all of us played together and dat’s how come Ah never called mah Grandma nothin’ but Nanny, ’cause dat’s what everybody on de place called her. Nanny used to ketch us in our devilment and lick every youngun on de place
and Mis’ Washburn did de same. Ah reckon dey never hit us ah lick amiss ’cause dem three boys and us two girls wuz pretty aggravatin’, Ah speck.
“Ah was wid dem white chillun so much till Ah didn’t know Ah wuzn’t white till Ah was round six years old. Wouldn’t have found it out then, but a man come long takin’ pictures and without askin’ anybody, Shelby, dat was de oldest boy, he told him to take us. Round a week later de man brought de picture for Mis’ Washburn to see and pay him which she did, then give us all a good lickin’.
“So when we looked at de picture and everybody got pointed out there wasn’t nobody left except a real dark little girl with long hair standing by Eleanor. Dat’s where Ah wuz s’posed to be, but Ah couldn’t recognize dat dark chile as me. So Ah ast, ‘where is me? Ah don’t see me.’
“Everybody laughed, even Mr. Washburn. Miss Nellie, de Mama of de chillun who come back home after her husband dead, she pointed to de dark one and said, ‘Dat’s you, Alphabet, don’t you know yo’ ownself?’
“Dey all useter call me Alphabet ’cause so many people had done named me different names. Ah looked at de picture a long time and seen it was mah dress and mah hair so Ah said:
“ ‘Aw, aw! Ah’m colored!’
“Den dey all laughed real hard. But before Ah seen de picture Ah thought Ah wuz just like de rest.
“Us lived dere havin’ fun till de chillun at school got to teasin’ me ’bout livin’ in de white folks’ back-yard. Dere wuz uh knotty head gal name Mayrella dat useter git mad every time she look at me. Mis’ Washburn useter dress me up in all de clothes her gran’chillun didn’t need no mo’ which still wuz better’n whut de rest uh de colored chillun had. And then she useter put hair ribbon on mah head fuh me tuh wear. Dat useter rile Mayrella uh lot. So she would pick at me all de time and put some others up tuh do de same. They’d push me ’way from de ring plays and make out they couldn’t play wid nobody dat lived on premises. Den they’d tell me not to be takin’ on over mah looks ’cause they mama told ’em ’bout de hound dawgs huntin’ mah papa all night long. ’Bout Mr. Washburn and de sheriff puttin’ de bloodhounds on de trail tuh ketch mah papa for whut he done tuh mah mama. Dey didn’t tell about how he wuz seen tryin’ tuh git in touch wid mah mama later on so he could marry her. Naw, dey didn’t talk dat part of it atall. Dey made it sound real bad so as tuh crumple mah feathers. None of ’em didn’t even remember whut his name wuz, but dey all knowed de bloodhound part by heart. Nanny didn’t love tuh see me wid mah head hung down, so she figgered it would be mo’ better fuh me if us had uh house. She got de land and everything and then Mis’ Washburn helped out uh whole heap wid things.”
Pheoby’s hungry listening helped Janie to tell her story. So she went on thinking back to her young years and explaining them to her friend in soft, easy phrases while all around the house, the night time put on flesh and blackness.
She thought awhile and decided that her conscious life had commenced at Nanny’s gate. On a late afternoon Nanny had called her to come inside the house because she had spied Janie letting Johnny Taylor kiss her over the gatepost.
It was a spring afternoon in West Florida. Janie had spent most of the day under a blossoming pear tree in the back-yard. She had been spending every minute that she could steal from her chores under that tree for the last three days. That was to say, ever since the first tiny bloom had opened. It had called her to come and gaze on a mystery. From barren brown stems to glistening leaf-buds; from the leaf-buds to snowy virginity of bloom. It stirred her tremendously. How? Why? It was like a flute song forgotten in another existence and remembered again. What? How? Why? This singing she heard that had nothing to do with her ears. The rose of the world was breathing out smell. It followed her through all her waking moments and caressed her in her sleep. It connected itself with other vaguely felt matters that had struck her outside observation and buried themselves in her flesh. Now they emerged and quested about her consciousness.
She was stretched on her back beneath the pear tree soaking in the alto chant of the visiting bees, the gold of the sun and the panting breath of the breeze when the inaudible voice of it all came to her. She saw a dust-bearing bee sink into the sanctum of a bloom; the thousand sister-calyxes arch to meet the love embrace and the ecstatic shiver of the tree from root to tiniest branch creaming in every blossom and frothing with delight. So this was a marriage! She had been summoned to behold a revelation. Then Janie felt a pain remorseless sweet that left her limp and languid.
After a while she got up from where she was and went over the little garden field entire. She was seeking confirmation of the voice and vision, and everywhere she found and acknowledged answers. A personal answer for all other creations except herself. She felt an answer seeking her, but where? When? How? She found herself at the kitchen door and stumbled inside. In the air of the room were flies tumbling and singing, marrying and giving in marriage. When she reached the narrow hallway she was reminded that her grandmother was home with a sick headache. She was lying across the bed asleep so Janie tipped on out of the front door. Oh to be a pear tree—any tree in bloom! With kissing bees singing of the beginning of the world! She was sixteen. She had glossy leaves and bursting buds and she wanted to struggle with life but it seemed to elude her. Where were the singing bees for her? Nothing on the place nor in her grandma’s house answered her. She searched as much of the world as she could from the top of the front steps and then went on down to the front gate and leaned over to gaze up and down the road. Looking, waiting, breathing short with impatience. Waiting for the world to be made.
Through pollinated air she saw a glorious being coming up the road. In her former blindness she had known him as shiftless Johnny Taylor, tall and lean. That was before the golden dust of pollen had beglamored his rags and her eyes.
In the last stages of Nanny’s sleep, she dreamed of voices. Voices far-off but persistent, and gradually coming nearer. Janie’s voice. Janie talking in whispery snatches with a male voice she couldn’t quite place. That brought her wide awake. She bolted upright and peered out of the window and saw Johnny Taylor lacerating her Janie with a kiss.
“Janie!”
The old woman’s voice was so lacking in command and reproof, so full of crumbling dissolution,—that Janie half believed that Nanny had not seen her. So she extended herself outside of her dream and went inside of the house. That was the end of her childhood.
Nanny’s head and face looked like the standing roots of some old tree that had been torn away by storm. Foundation of ancient power that no longer mattered. The cooling palma christi leaves that Janie had bound about her grandma’s head with a white rag had wilted down and become part and parcel of the woman. Her eyes didn’t bore and pierce. They diffused and melted Janie, the room and the world into one comprehension.
“Janie, youse uh ’oman, now, so—”
“Naw, Nanny, naw Ah ain’t no real ’oman yet.”
The thought was too new and heavy for Janie. She fought it away.
Nanny closed her eyes and nodded a slow, weary affirmation many times before she gave it voice.
“Yeah, Janie, youse got yo’ womanhood on yuh. So Ah mout ez well tell yuh whut Ah been savin’ up for uh spell. Ah wants to see you married right away.”
“Me, married? Naw, Nanny, no ma’am! Whut Ah know ’bout uh husband?”
“Whut Ah seen just now is plenty for me, honey, Ah don’t want no trashy nigger, no breath-and-britches, lak Johnny Taylor usin’ yo’ body to wipe his foots on.”
Nanny’s words made Janie’s kiss across the gatepost seem like a manure pile after a rain.
“Look at me, Janie. Don’t set dere wid yo’ head hung down. Look at yo’ ole grandma!” Her voice began snagging on the prongs of her feelings. “Ah don’t want to be talkin’ to you lak dis. Fact is Ah done been on mah knees to mah Maker many’s de time askin’ please—for Him not to make de burden too heavy for me to bear.”
“Nanny, Ah just—Ah didn’t mean nothin’ bad.”
“Dat’s what makes me skeered. You don’t mean no harm. You don’t even know where harm is at. Ah’m ole now. Ah can’t be always guidin’ yo’ feet from harm and danger. Ah wants to see you married right away.”
“Who Ah’m goin’ tuh marry off-hand lak dat? Ah don’t know nobody.”
“De Lawd will provide. He know Ah done bore de burden in de heat uh de day. Somebody done spoke to me ’bout you long time ago. Ah ain’t said nothin’ ’cause dat wasn’t de way Ah placed you. Ah wanted yuh to school out and pick from a higher bush and a sweeter berry. But dat ain’t yo’ idea, Ah see.”
“Nanny, who—who dat been askin’ you for me?”
“Brother Logan Killicks. He’s a good man, too.”
“Naw, Nanny, no ma’am! Is dat whut he been hangin’ round here for? He look like some ole skullhead in de grave yard.”
The older woman sat bolt upright and put her feet to the floor, and thrust back the leaves from her face.
“So you don’t want to marry off decent like, do yuh? You just wants to hug and kiss and feel around with first one man and then another, huh? You wants to make me suck de same sorrow yo’ mama did, eh? Mah ole head ain’t gray enough. Mah back ain’t bowed enough to suit yuh!”
The vision of Logan Killicks was desecrating the pear tree, but Janie didn’t know how to tell Nanny that. She merely hunched over and pouted at the floor.
“Janie.”
“Yes, ma’am.”
“You answer me when Ah speak. Don’t you set dere poutin’ wid me after all Ah done went through for you!”
She slapped the girl’s face violently, and forced her head back so that their eyes met in struggle. With her hand uplifted for the second blow she saw the huge tear that welled up from Janie’s heart and stood in each eye. She saw the terrible agony and the lips tightened down to hold back the cry and desisted. Instead she brushed back the heavy hair from Janie’s face and stood there suffering and loving and weeping internally for both of them.
“Come to yo’ Grandma, honey. Set in her lap lak yo’ use tuh. Yo’ Nanny wouldn’t harm a hair uh yo’ head. She don’t want nobody else to do it neither if she kin help it. Honey, de white man is de ruler of everything as fur as Ah been able tuh find out. Maybe it’s some place way off in de ocean where de black man is in power, but we don’t know nothin’ but what we see. So de white man throw down de load and tell de nigger man tuh pick it up. He pick it up because he have to, but he don’t tote it. He hand it to his womenfolks. De nigger woman is de mule uh de world so fur as Ah can see. Ah been prayin’ fuh it tuh be different wid you.
Lawd, Lawd, Lawd!”
For a long time she sat rocking with the girl held tightly to her sunken breast. Janie’s long legs dangled over one arm of the chair and the long braids of her hair swung low on the other side. Nanny half sung, half sobbed a running chant-prayer over the head of the weeping girl.
“Lawd have mercy! It was a long time on de way but Ah reckon it had to come. Oh Jesus! Do, Jesus! Ah done de best Ah could.”
Finally, they both grew calm.
“Janie, how long you been ’lowin’ Johnny Taylor to kiss you?”
“Only dis one time, Nanny. Ah don’t love him at all. Whut made me do it is—oh, Ah don’t know.”
“Thank yuh, Massa Jesus.”
“Ah ain’t gointuh do it no mo’, Nanny. Please don’t make me marry Mr. Killicks.”
“ ’Tain’t Logan Killicks Ah wants you to have, baby, it’s protection. Ah ain’t gittin’ ole, honey. Ah’m done ole. One mornin’ soon, now, de angel wid de sword is gointuh stop by here. De day and de hour is hid from me, but it won’t be long. Ah ast de Lawd when you was uh infant in mah arms to let me stay here till you got grown. He done spared me to see de day. Mah daily prayer now is tuh let dese golden moments rolls on a few days longer till Ah see you safe in life.”
“Lemme wait, Nanny, please, jus’ a lil bit mo’.”
“Don’t think Ah don’t feel wid you, Janie, ’cause Ah do. Ah couldn’t love yuh no more if Ah had uh felt yo’ birth pains mahself. Fact uh de matter, Ah loves yuh a whole heap more’n Ah do yo’ mama, de one Ah did birth. But you got to take in consideration you ain’t no everyday chile like most of ’em. You ain’t got no papa, you might jus’ as well say no mama, for de good she do yuh. You ain’t got nobody but me. And mah head is ole and tilted towards de grave. Neither can you stand alone by yo’self. De thought uh you bein’ kicked around from pillar tuh post is uh hurtin’ thing. Every tear you drop squeezes a cup uh blood outa mah heart. Ah got tuh try and do for you befo’ mah head is cold.”
A sobbing sigh burst out of Janie. The old woman answered her with little soothing pats of the hand.
“You know, honey, us colored folks is branches without roots and that makes things come round in queer ways. You in particular. Ah was born back due in slavery so it wasn’t for me to fulfill my dreams of whut a woman oughta be and to do. Dat’s one of de hold-backs of slavery. But nothing can’t stop you from wishin’. You can’t beat nobody down so low till you can rob ’em of they will. Ah didn’t want to be used for a work-ox and a brood-sow and Ah didn’t want mah daughter used dat way neither. It sho wasn’t mah will for things to happen lak they did. Ah even hated de way you was born. But, all de same Ah said thank God, Ah got another chance. Ah wanted to preach a great sermon about colored women sittin’ on high, but they wasn’t no pulpit for me. Freedom found me wid a baby daughter in mah arms, so Ah said Ah’d take a broom and a cook-pot and throw up a highway through de wilderness for her. She would expound what Ah felt. But somehow she got lost offa de highway and next thing Ah knowed here you was in de world. So whilst Ah was tendin’ you of nights Ah said Ah’d save de text for you. Ah been waitin’ a long time, Janie, but nothin’ Ah been through ain’t too much if you just take a stand on high ground lak Ah dreamed.”
Old Nanny sat there rocking Janie like an infant and thinking back and back. Mind-pictures brought feelings, and feelings dragged out dramas from the hollows of her heart.
“Dat mornin’ on de big plantation close to Savannah, a rider come in a gallop tellin’ ’bout Sherman takin’ Atlanta. Marse Robert’s son had done been kilt at Chickamauga. So he grabbed his gun and straddled his best horse and went off wid de rest of de gray-headed men and young boys to drive de Yankees back into Tennessee.
“They was all cheerin’ and cryin’ and shoutin’ for de men dat was ridin’ off. Ah couldn’t see nothin’ cause yo’ mama wasn’t but a week old, and Ah was flat uh mah back. But pretty soon he let on he forgot somethin’ and run into mah cabin and made me let down mah hair for de last time. He sorta wropped his hand in it, pulled mah big toe, lak he always done, and was gone after de rest lak lightnin’. Ah heard ’em give one last whoop for him. Then de big house and de quarters got sober and silent.
“It was de cool of de evenin’ when Mistis come walkin’ in mah door. She throwed de door wide open and stood dere lookin’ at me outa her eyes and her face. Look lak she been livin’ through uh hundred years in January without one day of spring. She come stood over me in de bed.
“ ‘Nanny, Ah come to see that baby uh yourn.’
“Ah tried not to feel de breeze off her face, but it got so cold in dere dat Ah was freezin’ to death under the kivvers. So Ah couldn’t move right away lak Ah aimed to. But Ah knowed Ah had to make haste and do it.
“ ‘You better git dat kivver offa dat youngun and dat quick!’ she clashed at me. ‘Look lak you don’t know who is Mistis on dis plantation, Madam. But Ah aims to show you.’
“By dat time I had done managed tuh unkivver mah baby enough for her to see de head and face.
“ ‘Nigger, whut’s yo’ baby doin’ wid gray eyes and yaller hair?’ She begin tuh slap mah jaws ever which a’way. Ah never felt the fust ones ’cause Ah wuz too busy gittin’ de kivver back over mah chile. But dem last lick burnt me lak fire. Ah had too many feelin’s tuh tell which one tuh follow so Ah didn’t cry and Ah didn’t do nothin’ else. But then she kept on astin me how come mah baby look white. She asted me dat maybe twenty-five or thirty times, lak she got tuh sayin’ dat and couldn’t help herself. So Ah told her, ‘Ah don’t know nothin’ but what Ah’m told tuh do, ’cause Ah ain’t nothin’ but uh nigger and uh slave.’
“Instead of pacifyin’ her lak Ah thought, look lak she got madder. But Ah reckon she was tired and wore out ’cause she didn’t hit me no more. She went to de foot of de bed and wiped her hands on her handksher. ‘Ah wouldn’t dirty mah hands on yuh. But first thing in de mornin’ de overseer will take you to de whippin’ post and tie you down on yo’ knees and cut de hide offa yo’ yaller back. One hundred lashes wid a raw-hide on yo’ bare back. Ah’ll have you whipped till de blood run down to yo’ heels! Ah mean to count de licks mahself. And if it kills you Ah’ll stand de loss. Anyhow, as soon as dat brat is a month old Ah’m going to sell it offa dis place.’
“She flounced on off and let her wintertime wid me. Ah knowed mah body wasn’t healed, but Ah couldn’t consider dat. In de black dark Ah wrapped mah baby de best Ah knowed how and made it to de swamp by de river. Ah knowed de place was full uh moccasins and other bitin’ snakes, but Ah was more skeered uh whut was behind me. Ah hide in dere day and night and suckled de baby every time she start to cry, for fear somebody might hear her and Ah’d git found. Ah ain’t sayin’ uh friend or two didn’t feel mah care. And den de Good Lawd seen to it dat Ah wasn’t taken. Ah don’t see how come mah milk didn’t kill mah chile, wid me so skeered and worried all de time. De noise uh de owls skeered me; de limbs of dem cypress trees took to crawlin’ and movin’ round after dark, and two three times Ah heered panthers prowlin’ round. But nothin’ never hurt me ’cause de Lawd knowed how it was.
“Den, one night Ah heard de big guns boomin’ lak thunder. It kept up all night long. And de next mornin’ Ah could see uh big ship at a distance and a great stirrin’ round. So Ah wrapped Leafy up in moss and fixed her good in a tree and picked mah way on down to de landin’. The men was all in blue, and Ah heard people say Sherman was comin’ to meet de boats in Savannah, and all of us slaves was free. So Ah run got mah baby and got in quotation wid people and found a place Ah could stay.
“But it was a long time after dat befo’ de Big Surrender at Richmond. Den de big bell ring in Atlanta and all de men in gray uniforms had to go to Moultrie, and bury their swords in de ground to show they was never to fight about slavery no mo’. So den we knowed we was free.
“Ah wouldn’t marry nobody, though Ah could have uh heap uh times, cause Ah didn’t want nobody mistreating mah baby. So Ah got with some good white people and come down here in West Florida to work and make de sun shine on both sides of de street for Leafy.
“Mah Madam help me wid her just lak she been doin’ wid you. Ah put her in school when it got so it was a school to put her in. Ah was ’spectin’ to make a school teacher outa her.
“But one day she didn’t come home at de usual time and Ah waited and waited, but she never come all dat night. Ah took a lantern and went round askin’ everybody but nobody ain’t seen her. De next mornin’ she come crawlin’ in on her hands and knees. A sight to see. Dat school teacher had done hid her in de woods all night long, and he had done raped mah baby and run on off just before day.
“She was only seventeen, and somethin’ lak dat to happen! Lawd a’mussy! Look lak Ah kin see it all over again. It was a long time before she was well, and by dat time we knowed you was on de way. And after you was born she took to drinkin’ likker and stayin’ out nights. Couldn’t git her to stay here and nowhere else. Lawd knows where she is right now. She ain’t dead, ’cause Ah’d know it by mah feelings, but sometimes Ah wish she was at rest.
“And, Janie, maybe it wasn’t much, but Ah done de best Ah kin by you. Ah raked and scraped and bought dis lil piece uh land so you wouldn’t have to stay in de white folks’ yard and tuck yo’ head befo’ other chillun at school. Dat was all right when you was little. But when you got big enough to understand things, Ah wanted you to look upon yo’self. Ah don’t want yo’ feathers always crumpled by folks throwin’ up things in yo’ face. And Ah can’t die easy thinkin’ maybe de menfolks white or black is makin’ a spit cup outa you: Have some sympathy fuh me. Put me down easy, Janie, Ah’m a cracked plate.”


i lár an gael bhfuil a anam

Monday, 7 October 2013

EAMON GILMORE WIK SAYS PHUK U




Eamon Gilmore



Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia



Eamon Gilmore
TD

Tánaiste
Incumbent
Assumed office
9 March 2011
Preceded by Mary Coughlan
Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade
Incumbent
Assumed office
9 March 2011
Preceded by Brian Cowen (Foreign Affairs)
Mary Hanafin (Enterprise, Trade and Innovation)
Leader of the Labour Party
Incumbent
Assumed office
6 September 2007
Deputy Joan Burton
Preceded by Pat Rabbitte
Minister of State at the
Department of the Marine
In office
20 December 1994 – 26 June 1997
Preceded by Gerry O'Sullivan
Succeeded by Hugh Byrne
Teachta Dála
Incumbent
Assumed office
June 1989
Constituency Dún Laoghaire
Personal details
Born 24 April 1955 (age 58)
Caltra, County Galway, Ireland
Political party Labour Party (1999–present)
Other political
affiliations Workers' Party (1975–92)
Democratic Left (1992–99)
Spouse(s) Carol Hanney
Children 3
Alma mater University College, Galway
Website www.gilmore.ie


Eamon Gilmore (born 24 April 1955) is an Irish Labour Party politician. In theGovernment of Ireland, he holds the offices of Tánaiste (deputy prime minister) andMinister for Foreign Affairs and Trade.[1] He has been the Leader of the Labour Partysince September 2007. He has represented the constituency of Dún Laoghaire inDáil Éireann since 1989, firstly as a member of the Workers' Party of Ireland, later as a member of Democratic Left and most recently as a member of the Labour Party.[2]He served as a Minister of State at the Department of the Marine from 1994 until 1997 as part of the "Rainbow Coalition" during the Government of the 27th Dáil.

Born in County Galway, Gilmore graduated from University College Galway, becoming President of the Union of Students in Ireland. Later, as a trade unionorganiser, he entered local politics. As a Democratic Left TD, he was central in negotiating that party's merger with Labour. He was beaten by fellow former Democratic Left TD, Pat Rabbitte, in Labour's 2002 leadership election, and was instead appointed as the party's Environment, Housing and Local Government spokesperson. He was elected unopposed to the leadership in 2007.

At the 2011 general election, Gilmore led the Labour Party to its best ever performance with a record 37 seats. This saw Labour emerge as the second largest party in Ireland for the first time in its 99-year history. He went on to negotiate a programme for government with Fine Gael that saw the Labour party entergovernment for the first time since 1997 and Gilmore appointed as Tánaiste, with four other Labour TDs having seats at cabinet.

Contents [hide]
1 Early life and career
2 Personal life
3 Political career
4 Labour Party leader
5 Kilmore School controversy
6 2011 general election
7 Tánaiste 2011–present
7.1 Seanad election
7.2 Vatican
7.3 Presidential election
7.4 Croke Park Agreement
7.5 OSCE Chair
8 References
9 External links
Early life and career

Gilmore was born in Caltra, County Galway, in 1955 into a small farming family. When he was 14 months old his father died leaving his mother to run the mixed farm and raise Gilmore and his younger brother John.[3]

Gilmore’s primary education was received in Caltra in a small two teacher national school where he was taught through the medium of Irish. He is a fluent Irish speaker to this day. Following his sixth-year state primary exam, he qualified for a scholarship from Galway County Council which enabled him to attend secondary school. He entered Garbally College, Ballinasloe as a boarder in 1965.[4]

Availing of a third-level grant to fund his degree he went on to study psychology atUniversity College Galway (UCG). He was an active member of the Drama Society in university where his contemporaries were the theatre director Garry Hynes and actor Marie Mullen who both went on to found the Druid Theatre Company. He also took part in the university debating scene mainly through the Literary and Debating Society.[5]

A threat from the then cash strapped Psychology Department to scrap the psychology course altogether and transfer the students to University College Dublin propelled Gilmore towards student activism.[6]

He was elected class representative and later at the age of 18 served as President ofUCG Students' Union from July 1974 to June 1975. In 1975, towards the end of his term of office as President of the Student Union, he joined the UCG Republican Club, which was affiliated to Official Sinn Féin, subsequently "Sinn Féin the Workers’ Party" and later renamed the Workers' Party. In recent years he was accused of being evasive on the subject and trying to play down that he had joined the Official Republican Movement, stating that the party was in the process of becoming the Workers' Party at that time, I can't recall exactly the dates.[7] [8] Using both names, the Workers' Party's links with the proscribed paramilitaryorganisation the Official Irish Republican Army throughout the 1970s is well established.[9]

From 1976 until 1978 he served as President of the Union of Students in Ireland (USI).[10] Together with Charles Clarke (former British Home Secretary) who was President of the National Union of Students in Britain, he worked within a structure which served to unify the student's movement in Northern Ireland during the troubles. Other achievements during his tenure included increasing student grants and securing the right for students to work during the summer months.

Prior to establishing a career in politics, Gilmore served as a trade union organiser. He joined the Irish Transport & General Workers’ Union (now SIPTU) in 1978 and, after brief spells in Dublin No. 4 (Hotels & Catering) and Dublin No. 14 (Engineering) Branches, was rapidly promoted to become Acting Secretary of the Galway Branch (1978–79), Secretary of Tralee Branch (1979–81), and of the Professional & Managerial Staffs Branch (1981–89). He was heavily involved in organising tax protests in Galway and resisting redundancies and closures in Kerry.[11]

Gilmore has described the driving factors which has informed his working life whether as a trade union officer or public representative. “I like advocating. I love to share in the joy people get out of cracking it, getting the job or getting some right they should have. I get huge satisfaction out of working for improvements and seeing those come through”.[12]
Personal life

While at university he met his wife Carol. The couple has lived in Shankill, Dublin since 1979 and have two sons and one daughter.[3] His brother John is a television producer in Washington DC.[13]

Outside of politics he prefers to spend his time cooking, reading and attending sports matches, especially those featuring Galway’s Senior Hurling and Football teams.

A book, Leading Lights: People Who've Inspired Me, written by Gilmore was published by Liberties Press in November 2010.[14][15]

When questioned on the Today with Pat Kenny programme if Ireland was ready for an atheist Taoiseach, he said that he believed Ireland was a very tolerant country where the rights and beliefs of individuals were respected.[16][17] Gilmore has described himself as an agnostic: "I doubt rather than I believe, let me put it that way".[18] In the same interview, when asked "Should abortion be legalised?", he replied "I'm pro-choice.".
Political career

Gilmore was elected to Dún Laoghaire Borough Council and also to Dublin County Council on 22 June 1985. He was first elected to Dáil Éireann at the 1989 general election as a member of the Workers' Party for the constituency of Dún Laoghaire, and has been re-elected at every subsequent general election.[19]

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, he was linked with Proinsias De Rossa in attempting to jettison some of the Workers' Party's Marxist aspect and the party towards an acceptance of free market economics.[20] Secondly, media accusations had once again surfaced regarding the continued existence of the Official IRA who, it was alleged, remained armed and involved in fund-raising robberies, money laundering and other forms of criminality.[21]

In an attempt to address these issues Gilmore and De Rossa along with their supporters sought to distance themselves from alleged paramilitary activity at a special Árd Fheis held at Dún Laoghaire in on 15 February 1992. A motion proposed by De Rossa and General Secretary Des Geraghty sought to stand down the existing membership, elect an 11 member provisional executive council and make several other significant changes in party structures was defeated.[22] The following day at an Ard Chomhairle meeting, Gilmore resigned from the Workers' Party and joined with Proinsias De Rossa and five other Workers' Party TDs to create a new political party Democratic Left (originally known as New Agenda).

In the 'Rainbow Coalition', between 1994 and 1997, Gilmore served as Minister of State at the Department of the Marine where he is credited for overseeing major reform in port ownership, investment in port development, banning nuclear vessels from Irish seas and restricting dumping at sea.[citation needed]

With Labour's Brendan Howlin, Gilmore was a central figure in the negotiations that led to the merger of Democratic Left with the Labour Party in 1999 under the Leadership of Ruairi Quinn.[23]

After Quinn's resignation in 2002, Gilmore unsuccessfully contested the Leadership won by former student union and political colleague Pat Rabbitte.

From 2002 to 2007 he sat on the Labour Party front bench as Environment, Housing and Local Government Spokesperson.
Labour Party leader



Following Pat Rabbitte's resignation as party leader in August 2007, Gilmore announced his candidacy for the leadership. He received support from senior figures such as Michael D. Higgins, Ruairi Quinn, Willie Penrose, Liz McManus and Emmet Stagg, and did not have to contest a ballot, being formally confirmed as leader on 6 September after being the only declared candidate.[24] He is the tenth leader of the Labour Party.

From early on in his Leadership Gilmore insisted that Labour should aspire to lead the next Government and set about building Labour as a third option for voters.[18] At the local elections of 5 June 2009, the Labour Party added to its total of council seats, with 132 seats won (a gain of 31) and by July 2010 had gained an additional six seats from councillors joining the party since the election. On Dublin City Council, the party was again the largest party, but now with more seats than the two other main parties combined.

Though in favour of the 2008 first Lisbon Treaty referendum, when it was lost he declared that the "Lisbon Treaty is dead" and publicly opposed a second referendum being held. According to a wikileaks cable released in 2011, he told the US ambassador privately that he would support a second referendum. The ambasador reported that: "He explained his public posture of opposition to a second referendum as 'politically necessary' for the time being".[25] In 2009 the Lisbon Treaty proposal was passed by the Twenty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland.

At the 2009 European Parliament election held on the same day, the Labour Party increased its number of seats from 1 to 3, retaining the seat of Proinsias De Rossa in the Dublin constituency, while gaining seats in the East constituency with Nessa Childers, and in the South constituency with Alan Kelly.[26]

In September 2009 at the Labour Parliamentary Party Meeting in Waterford the Labour leader, reiterating what he had said in earlier interviews, categorically ruled out a coalition with Fianna Fáil when a Government is formed after the next General Election.[27]

At his Leader’s address to the 2010 Labour Party Conference (17 April 2010) Gilmore reinforced his vision that the Party should lead the way in building ‘One Ireland’. One ireland is based on the idea that by working together we can get the country back on track and restore our economy, our prosperity and our society. In this speech he named the Labour Party’s policy priorities as being Jobs, Reform and Fairness. He also stated his determination that at the coming general election the Labour Party will run enough candidates, to enable the Irish people to make Labour the largest party in the next Dáil and to lead the next Government .[28]

In July 2010 Gilmore again ruled out a coalition between his party and Fianna Fáil after the next general election even if he were in a position to become taoiseach. Gilmore has also predicted his party is well-positioned to win at least a seat in each of the country's 43 constituencies and two in some constituencies in Dublin, Cork, other urban areas and commuter-belt counties. In all, he said the party has the potential to win 50 seats or more.[29]
Kilmore School controversy

The Irish Independent reported in November 2010 that Gilmore's wife had profited from the sale two and a half acre unzoned site that has the benefit of planning permission for a school obtained by a third party.

In an RTÉ Radio One interview Gilmore denied that the media coverage surrounding the sale by his wife of land for a Galway school was embarrassing for him. “This is land Carol inherited from her late mother. She was approached by the board of management of the school to make the site available. It was publicly advertised by the OPW and independently valued," he said[30]

There is no allegation of wrongdoing by Gilmore or his wife. TDs do not have to declare spouses' interests as only sitting offices holders such as ministers have to declare their spouse interests. A spokesperson for the Department of Education is quoted in the Irish Times as having said “The department has no reason to consider there was anything abnormal about the transaction concerned.”[31]
2011 general election


At the 2011 general election, Senator Ivana Bacik was Gilmore's running mate in the Dun Laoghaire constituency. Gilmore topped the poll but Bacik was not elected.

In February 2011 Gilmore said the Government's decision to postpone injecting a further €10 billion into the banks until after the election shows the bailout deal must be renegotiated. Minister for Finance Brian Lenihanpostponed injecting a further €10 billion into the banks until after the election – missing a key deadline under the EU-IMF bailout. "I find it quite amazing that a Fianna Fáil government, that tells us that we can't renegotiate the IMF deal, can unilaterally take one portion of the deal and decide they are going to postpone implementing it because there happens to be an election," he said.[32]

Gilmore led Labour to the best electoral performance in the party's 99-year history at the 2011 general election. The party won 37 seats, its most ever. It did especially well in Dublin, taking 18 seats to become the largest party in the capital.
Tánaiste 2011–present

Following the election, Labour opened coalition talks with Fine Gael, which became the biggest party in the Dáil for the first time ever. On 5 March, the two parties agreed to form a coalition government—the seventh time the two parties will govern together. Gilmore became Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade.[1] He went on to appoint four other Ministers to the Cabinet, six Junior Ministers and Máire Whelan as Attorney General. Gilmore has also recreated the Office of the Tánaiste within theDepartment of the Taoiseach to enhance his control over Government policy.[33] This office was originally created under TánaisteDick Spring in 1992 but was abolished by his successor Mary Harney.[34]
Seanad election

In the following election to Seanad Éireann, 9 Labour Party Senators were elected. Gilmore went on to appoint 3 other Labour Senators giving the Labour Party its highest ever membership of the Seanad, at 12, and its largest Parliamentary Party(TDs, Senators, MEPs) at 52.

Gilmore also appointed Katherine Zappone, a human rights and LGBT campaigner, to the Seanad. Though a Labour Party member she sits as an Independent and is Ireland's first Lesbian Senator.
Vatican

On 13 July 2011 the Cloyne Report was published, detailing the investigation into allegations of child sexual abuse by 19 priests in the Roman Catholic Diocese of Cloyne. Among the report's findings were the revelation that the vast majority of allegations made in the diocese were not reported to the Garda, as required by the Church's 1996 guidelines; that the Bishop of the Diocese,John Magee, and others had withheld full cooperation with the Government's investigation and had deliberately misrepresented his own response to the allegations; and that the Vatican itself had both refused to cooperate in the investigation and counseled the Diocese that the 1996 guidelines were not binding.

On 18 July 2011 Gilmore condemned the Church's handling of the crisis and called on the Papal Nuncio to explain the Vatican's role. Following this criticism the Church withdrew its Papal Nuncio form Ireland as international news outlets reported on the unprecedented nature of the Government's criticism of the Catholic Church.[35] Gilmore later claimed the Church did not understand the anger the Irish people felt.[36]

On 3 November 2011 Gilmore announced that Ireland would close its embassy in the Vatican, along with the embassy in Tehran and a representative office in East-Timor, and that the Irish ambassador to the Holy See would reside not in Rome but in Ireland.[37]

Gilmore said the "decision follows a review of overseas missions carried out by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade which gave particular attention to the economic return from bilateral missions". "In order to meet its targets under the EU-IMF programme and to restore public expenditure to sustainable levels, the Government has been obliged to implement cuts across a wide range of public services. No area of Government expenditure can be immune from the need to implement savings."[38]
Presidential election

In October 2011 the Labour Party's President and candidate, Michael D. Higgins was elected as the ninth President of Ireland. As a student Gilmore personally canvassed for Higgins in the 1969 election. Following the election Gilmore praised Higgins' contribution to Irish politics and cited that he would be a president for all people not just Labour Party supporters.[39]

On the same day, Labour's Patrick Nulty won the Dublin West by-election, making the Labour Party the first government party in Ireland to win a by-election since 1982. Though Gilmore's Government also lost the Referendum on Oireachtas inquiries the day was seen as a political boost for the Labour Party in government.
Croke Park Agreement

In December, Gilmore once again put his support behind the Croke Park Deal on Public Sector pay and conditions. The dismissal of a renegotiation of the deal came in light of Communications Minister Pat Rabbitte's comments that the deal could be renegotiated along with calls from junior Fine Gael TDs that the agreement should be scrapped.[40]
OSCE Chair

On 1 January 2012, Ireland assumed the 2012 chair of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OCSE) for the first time. In his role as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Gilmore serves as the Chairman-in-Office of the OSCE. Gilmore said Ireland would be committed to "promoting peace, security and respect for human rights and rule of law" and draw on its experience from Northern Ireland to enhance to OSCE's role in conflict prevention. Gilmore is expected to present Ireland's priorities to the organisation's permanent council on 12 January 2012.[41]
References

^ Jump up to:a b "Eamon Gilmore set for Foreign Affairs". RTÉ News. 8 March 2011.
Jump up^ "Mr. Eamon Gilmore". Oireachtas Members Database. Retrieved 19 June 2009.
^ Jump up to:a b Butler, Kate, Sunday Times Home Ireland Magazine. Time and Place Eamon Gilmore. 16 March 2008.
Jump up^ Kelly, Ken, Connacht Tribune. Gilmore back on familiar turf for Garbally return. 4 June 2010.
Jump up^ McGarry, Patsy, Cois Coirbe Memory Lane. Alumni Office NUI Galway, 2008.
Jump up^ Irish Daily Mail. The Accidental TD. 7 September 2007.
Jump up^ Eamon Gilmore interviewed on the 'Marian Finucane Show' on RTE Radio One, October 2010.
Jump up^ "Irish Labour leader evasive on former links with Sinn Fein". Belfast Telegraph. 6 October 2010.
Jump up^ Brian Hanley and Scott Millar, The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers' Party, (2009).
Jump up^ McDonald, Brian; Kelly, Fiach (1 November 2010). "How power couple rose to pole position in public life". Irish Independent.
Jump up^ Devine, Francis, Organising History, A Centenary in Siptu’. Gill and McMillan, 2009.
Jump up^ Crowley, Niall (9 July 2010). "Interview Eamon Gilmore – Equality for the Majority". The Village.
Jump up^ Calder, John (10 July 2010). "Larry King". The Marian Finucane Show, RTE Radio One.
Jump up^ Walsh, Caroline (25 September 2010). "Loose Leaves – Eamon Gilmore's book of inspiration in the pipeline". The Irish Times.
Jump up^ "Thatcher influenced Gilmore". The Irish Times. 25 November 2010. Retrieved 19 March 2011.
Jump up^ Carroll, Steven (18 February 2011). "Gilmore reiterates tax pledge". The Irish Times.
Jump up^ "Election 2011". RTÉ News. 18 February 2011.
^ Jump up to:a b O'Toole, Jason (15 October 2007). "Take me to your leader". Hot Press. Retrieved 15 April 2012.
Jump up^ "Eamon Gilmore". ElectionsIreland.org. Retrieved 19 June 2009.
Jump up^ Proinsias De Rossa, 'The case for a new departure Making Sense', March–April 1992.
Jump up^ BBC Spotlight programme, 'Sticking to their guns', June 1991.
Jump up^ Sean Garland, 'Beware of hidden agendas', Making Sense March–April 1992.
Jump up^ "Brian Dowling looks back Eamon Gilmore's path to political Leadership". RTÉ News. 6 September 2007.
Jump up^ "Gilmore declared new Labour leader". RTÉ News. 6 September 2007.
Jump up^ "Gilmore 'took opposing views in public and in private'". Irish Independent. 1 June 2011. Retrieved 1 February 2012.
Jump up^ "How Ireland Voted special supplement". The Irish Times. 9 July 2010.
Jump up^ "Gilmore rules out coalition with FF after election". The Irish Times. 10 September 2009.
Jump up^ "One Ireland: Gilmore addresses Labour Conference". Labour Party. 17 April 2010.
Jump up^ "Gilmore rules out FF coalition". The Irish Times. 21 July 2010.
Jump up^ "Gilmore defends wife's sale of €525,000 site for school". The Irish Times. 5 November 2010.
Jump up^ "Gilmore had 'no involvement' in wife's property deal with State". The Irish Times. 3 November 2010.
Jump up^ "Gilmore argues bailout terms must be renegotiated". The Irish Times. 10 February 2011. Retrieved 19 March 2011.
Jump up^ Fitzgerald, Mary (13 July 2011). "Kenny appoints second secretary general". The Irish Times.
Jump up^ Sheahan, Fionnan (18 July 2011). "Gilmore gains more say over policy as he expands his role". Irish Independent.
Jump up^ Taylor, Charlie (21 July 2011). "Reaction to Kenny's Cloyne speech". The Irish Times.
Jump up^ "Vatican missed the point on abuse anger, says Gilmore". Irish Examiner. 6 September 2011. Retrieved 6 September 2011.
Jump up^ "Irish embassy to the Vatican to be closed". RTÉ News. 3 November 2011. Retrieved 3 November 2011.
Jump up^ "Vatican embassy to close". The Irish Times. 3 November 2011. Retrieved 1 February 2012.
Jump up^ Edwards, Elaine (28 October 2011). "Gilmore pays tribute to Higgins". The Irish Times.
Jump up^ Minihan, Mary; Carr, Aoife (12 December 2011). "Coalition not trying to 'unpick' deal". The Irish Times.
Jump up^ Fitzgerald, Mary (2 January 2012). "Ireland takes over chair of OSCE". The Irish Times.
External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Eamon Gilmore.

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Eamon Gilmore

Official website
Eamon Gilmore's page on the Labour Party website
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Sunday, 6 October 2013

THE KILLING OF FATBARSTURD AYMAN AL GILMORE




A few weeks ago Eamon Gilmore the Irish foreign Minister was campaigning around the world for an invasion of Syria like his mentor Tony Blair did with Iraq. How can this happen? This can be when you have the media, the Church, big business, the banks and many people in the community who are either pro-war, don't care, or suck-up everything these establishment groups and Labour fatbarsturds tell them. As long as the bourgeoisie feel comfortable, people in poor countries can starve, thousands of other people in other countries can be murdered in war, and the Western world can plunder the rest for geo-political advantage and resources.
Until we have co-ordinated action by the victims of these things and those who desperately want to help them - that will be the way it goes. 

Vive la Revolution.


The Party Game is Over. Stand and Fight

By John Pilger
"Rise like lions after slumber
In unvanquishable number!
Shake your chains to earth, like dew
Which in sleep had fall'n on you:
Ye are many - they are few."
October 05, 2013 "Information Clearing House - These days, the stirring lines of Percy Shelley's "Mask of Anarchy" may seem unattainable. I don't think so. Shelley was both a Romantic and political truth-teller. His words resonate now because only one political course is left to those who are disenfranchised and whose ruin is announced on a government spreadsheet.

Born of the "never again" spirit of 1945, social democracy has surrendered to an extreme political cult of money worship. This reached its apogee when £1trn of public money was handed unconditionally to corrupt banks by a Labour government whose leader, Gordon Brown, had previously described "financiers" as the nation's "great example" and his personal "inspiration".

This is not to say parliamentary politics is meaningless. It has one meaning now: the replacement of democracy with a business plan for every human activity, every dream, every decency, every hope, every child born.

The old myths of British rectitude, imperial in origin, provided false comfort while the Blair gang built the foundation of the present "coalition". This is led by a former PR man for an asset stripper and by a bagman who will inherit his knighthood and the tax-shielded fortune of his father, the 17th Baronet of Ballintaylor. David Cameron and George Osborne are essentially fossilised spivs who, in colonial times, would have been sent by their daddies to claim foreign terrain and plunder.

Today, they are claiming 21st-century Britain and imposing their vicious, antique ideology, albeit served as economic snake oil. Their designs have nothing to do with a "deficit crisis". A deficit of 10 per cent is not remotely a crisis. When Britain was officially bankrupt at the end of the Second World War, the government built its greatest public institutions, such as the National Health Service and the arts edifices of London's South Bank.

There is no economic rationale for the assault described cravenly by the BBC as a "public spending review". The debt is exclusively the responsibility of those who incurred it, the super-rich and the gamblers. However, that's beside the point. What is happening in Britain is the seizure of an opportunity to destroy the tenuous humanity of the modern state. It is a coup, a "shock doctrine" as applied to Pinochet's Chile and Yeltsin's Russia.

In Britain, there is no need for tanks in the streets. In its managerial indifference to the freedoms it is said to hold dear, bourgeois Britain has allowed parliament to create a surveillance state with 3,000 new criminal offences and laws: more than for the whole of the previous century. Powers of arrest and detention have never been greater. The police have the impunity to kill; and asylum-seekers can be "restrained" to death on commercial flights.

Athol Fugard is right. With Harold Pinter gone, no acclaimed writer or artist dare depart from their well-remunerated vanity. With so much in need of saying, they have nothing to say. Liberalism, the vainest ideology, has hauled up its ladder. The chief opportunist, Nick Clegg, gave no electoral hint of his odious faction's compliance with the dismantling of much of British postwar society. The theft of £83bn in jobs and services matches almost exactly the amount of tax legally avoided by piratical corporations. Without fanfare, the super-rich have been assured they can dodge up to £40bn in tax payments in the secrecy of Swiss banks. The day this was sewn up, Osborne attacked those who "cheat" the welfare system. He omitted the real amount lost, a minuscule £0.5bn, and that £10.5bn in benefit payments was not claimed at all. Labour is his silent partner.

The propaganda arm in the press and broadcasting dutifully presents this as unfortunate but necessary. Mark how the firefighters' action is "covered". On Channel 4 News, following an item that portrayed modest, courageous people as basically reckless, Jon Snow demanded that the leaders of the London Fire Authority and the Fire Brigades Union go straight from the studio and "mediate" now, this minute. "I'll get the taxis!" he declared. Forget the thousands of jobs that are to be eliminated from the fire service and the public danger beyond Bonfire Night; knock their jolly heads together. "Good stuff!" said the presenter.

Ken Loach's 1983 documentary series Questions of Leadership opens with a sequence of earnest young trade unionists on platforms, exhorting the masses. They are then shown older, florid, self-satisfied and finally adorned in the ermine of the House of Lords. Once, at a Durham Miners' Gala, I asked Tony Woodley, now joint general secretary of Unite, "Isn't the problem the clockwork collaboration of the union leadership?" He almost agreed, implying that the rise of bloods like himself would change that. The British Airways cabin crew strike, over which Woodley presides, is said to have made gains. Has it? And why haven't the unions risen against totalitarian laws that place free trade unionism in a vice?

The BA workers, the firefighters, the council workers, the post office workers, the NHS workers, the London Underground staff, the teachers, the lecturers, the students can more than match the French if they are resolute and imaginative, forging, with the wider social justice movement, potentially the greatest popular resistance ever. Look at the web; listen to the public's support at fire stations. There is no other way now. Direct action. Civil disobedience. Unerring. Read Shelley and do it.
www.johnpilger.com