Showing posts with label Christy Moore. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Christy Moore. Show all posts

Sunday, 30 November 2014

WE ARE UNITED IRELAND AGAINST FASCIST BLUESHIRTS



If history repeats itself and the unexpected always happens,how incapable must Man be of learning from experience.Success does not consist in never making mistakes but in never making the same one a second time, wrote George Bernard Shaw, 26 July 1856 to November 1950, who was an Irish playwright and a co-founder of the London School of Economics. Successful students of history, know the veracity of Shaw's statement,hopefully the Irish people and future leaders of Ireland, will bears this in mind over the immediate future. Below are two articles, which I believe are relevant, to what is currently happening in Ireland.Please pass it on for their attention.



In his book Surviving the Economic Collapse Fernando ‘Ferfal’ Aguirre says that because most people are used to peace and stability they often realize too late that they are in danger. Rather than taking up defensive positions when pushed or confronted by strangers people tend to default to traditional social guidelines so as not to appear inconsiderate or overly reactionary. “This is based on a natural tendency to please others,” says Aguirre.

But making this mistake could have serious adverse implications for you and your family, because acting just a split-second late could lead to serious injury or even death, an outcome Ferfal witnessed all too often during the disorderly collapse of Argentina in the early 2000′s.

“You have to re-program yourself to react violently when surprised or threatened in any way,” recommends Aguirre, who notes that it is necessary to modify your psychological and unconscious social behavior in environments where the potential for violence is high. Rather than expecting non-confrontation, a prepared individual should expect exactly the opposite.


The following video, taken on the Atlantic City Boardwalk shows how very quickly a simple disagreement can turn violent.

An unknown individual is seen arguing with a street vendor and pushing his street booth against the man in what can only be described as an act of thuggery. The vendor is seen trying to back away from the man, but the thug would have none of it.

As the vendor backs up, the thug keeps moving towards him, cutting off any escape route. Words turn to fists and the thug lunges forward with a pretty powerful punch.

The vendor, having anticipated the violent action, immediately moves off of the assailants attack line and out-of-the-way.

After that it’s lights out.

As you watch the video pay close attention to the street vendor’s right hand. While he attempted all methods of avoiding confrontation – stepping backwards from the fight, walking away, and even putting his hands up in a universal non-confrontational manner – it is clear that he went into the situation with the assumption that this individual might take it further than just a screaming match. As such, he concealed what seems to be some sort of metallic weapon in his right hand.

After the thug lunges towards the vendor, the subsequent counter-attack is swift and devastating.

The thug literally never knew what hit him.




Blueshirts

From Wikipedia, 

Eoin O'Duffy becomes leader

In January 1933, the Fianna Fáil government called a surprise election, which the government won comfortably. The election campaign saw a serious escalation of rioting between IRA and ACA supporters. In April 1933, the ACA began wearing the distinctive blue shirt uniform. Eoin O'Duffy was a guerrillaleader in the IRA during the Irish War of Independence, a National Army general during the Civil War, and the policecommissioner in the Irish Free State from 1922 to 1933. After de Valera's re-election in February 1933, Valera dismissed O'Duffy as commissioner, and in July of that year, O'Duffy was offered and accepted leadership of the ACA and renamed it the National Guard. He re-modelled the organisation, adopting elements of European fascism, such as the Roman straight-arm salute, uniforms and huge rallies. Membership of the new organisation became limited to people who were Irish or whose parents "profess the Christian faith". O'Duffy was an admirer ofBenito Mussolini, and the Blueshirts adopted corporatism as their chief political aim. According to the constitution he adopted, the organisation was to have the following objectives:[7]
  • To promote the reunification of Ireland.
  • To oppose Communism and alien control and influence in national affairs and to uphold Christian principles in every sphere of public activity.
  • To promote and maintain social order.
  • To make organised and disciplined voluntary public service a permanent and accepted feature of our political life and to lead the youth of Ireland in a movement of constructive national action.
  • To promote of co-ordinated national organisations of employers and employed, which with the aid of judicial tribunals, will effectively prevent strikes and lock-outs and harmoniously compose industrial influences.
  • To cooperate with the official agencies of the state for the solution of such pressing social problems as the provision of useful and economic public employment for those whom private enterprise cannot absorb.
  • To secure the creation of a representative national statutory organisation of farmers, with rights and status sufficient to secure the safeguarding of agricultural interests, in all revisions of agricultural and political policy.
  • To expose and prevent corruption and victimisation in national and local administration.
  • To awaken throughout the country a spirit of combination, discipline, zeal and patriotic realism which will put the state in a position to serve the people efficiently in the economic and social spheres.
Because of the later attraction of the group's leader Eoin O'Duffy to authoritarian nationalist movements on the European Continent, the Blueshirts are sometimes compared to the MVSN (Blackshirts) of Italy and to some extent performed a similar function.[8][9] Some of the Blueshirts later went to fight for Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War and wereanti-communist in nature, however historian R.M. Douglas has stated that it is dubious to portray them as an "Irish manifestation of fascism".

March on Dublin

The National Guard planned to hold a parade in Dublin in August 1933. It was to proceed to Glasnevin Cemetery, stopping briefly on Leinster lawn in front of the Irish parliament, where speeches were to be held. The goal of the parade was to commemorate past leaders of Ireland, Arthur GriffithMichael Collins and Kevin O'Higgins. It is clear that the IRA and other fringe groups representing various socialists intended to confront the Blueshirts if they did march in Dublin. The government banned the parade, remembering Mussolini's March on Rome, and fearing a coup d'état. Decades later, de Valera told Fianna Fáil politicians that in late summer 1933, he was unsure whether the Irish Army would obey his orders to suppress the perceived threat, or whether the soldiers would support the Blueshirts (who included many ex-soldiers). O'Duffy accepted the ban and insisted that he was committed to upholding the law. Instead, several provincial parades took place to commemorate the deaths of Griffith, O'Higgins and Collins. De Valera saw this move as defying his ban, and the Blueshirts were declared an illegal organisation.

Fine Gael and the National Corporate Party

In response to the banning of the National Guard, Cumann na nGaedheal and the National Centre Party merged to form a new party, Fine Gael, on 3 September 1933. O'Duffy became its first president, with W. T. Cosgrave and James Dillon acting as vice-presidents. The National Guard changed into the Young Ireland Association, and became part of a youth wing of the party. The party's aim was to create a corporatist United Ireland within the British Commonwealth. The 1934 local elections were a trial of strength for the new Fine Gael and the Fianna Fáil government. When Fine Gael won only 6 out of 23 local elections, O’Duffy lost much of his authority and prestige.[10] The Blueshirts began to disintegrate by mid-1934.[11] The Blueshirts floundered also on the plight of farmers during the Economic War, as the Blueshirts failed to provide a solution. Following disagreements with his Fine Gael colleagues, O'Duffy left the party, although most of the Blueshirts stayed in Fine Gael. In December 1934, O'Duffy attended the Montreux Fascist conference in Switzerland. He then founded the National Corporate Party, and later raised an"Irish Brigade" that took General Francisco Franco's side in theSpanish Civil War.[12]

Sunday, 2 November 2014

IRISH WATER REVOLUTION


200,000 march across Ireland. If the Government doesn't abolish water charges - people power will abolish the Government!

Let the Irish Government be warned- if they do not abolish the water charges and scrap Irish Water- then the rising tide of people power will wash away this Government.200,000 people in total marched across Ireland on Saturday Nov 1st- protests on a scale not seen for a generation. A new mood of defiance and rebellion has infected the people of Ireland.Despite the rain people gathered in cities and towns across the country. On some protests people burned their Irish Water application packs. On others they ended with assemblies at major roundabouts and junctions.The Government was already on the ropes- their nervous spokespeople promising reductions in the bill for the less well off and claiming they were going to cap the charge. But we all know that once they got the charge out there in any form they would up the bills once protests dropped.That's why we have to escalate the movement now. December 10th gives us the opportunity to do just that. At 1pm on that day the Right2Water Campaign is calling on everyone to get to the Dail. Stay away from work, walk out of college. Get everyone to the protest.Never again will we allow any Government to shove cuts down our throats and punish our children for the crimes of bankers. The water charges movement can give birth to a whole new era in Irish politics- where instead of the brown envelopes and careerists making all the decisions and laughing all the way to the bank - the people are a factor to be reckoned with.November 1, 2014 - 17:31Topics: PoliticsTags: Right2waterIrish WaterIreland- See more at: http://www.swp.ie/content/200000-march-across-ireland-if-government-doesnt-abolish-water-charges-people-power-will#sthash.iIOoWbV9.dpuf



info@swp.ie

http://www.swp.ie/videos


IN PICTURES: Ireland’s Umbrella Movement takes to the streets against water charges



Wednesday, 20 August 2014

GREEN IS OUR COLOUR - NO BLUESHIRT BARSTURDS HERE


New laws attack free speech and political expression in Ireland

desdalton_sinnfeinStatement by the President of Republican Sinn Féin, Des Dalton
The announcement by the 26-County Justice Minister Frances Fitzgerald of draconian new laws marks a direct attack on the right to hold or communicate political opinions and ideas as set out in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. With the centenary of the 1916 Rising fast approaching it is obvious that the 26 –County administration is attempting to silence Irish Republicanism and to drive it underground. Such coercive methods have failed in the past as this present effort will also fail.
The proposed new laws incorporated into the 26-County Criminal Justice (Terrorist) Offences Act 2005 are intended to silence those who refuse to accept the normalisation of British rule in Ireland and the continued partition of our nation.. However these measures can also be extended to cover all forms of political dissent, be that political, social or economic. People need to be awake to this fact and speak out now. Civil and political rights bodies need to protest this gratuitous attack on the human rights of Irish citizens. Article 19 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights states:“Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.”
Almost 100 years ago at the grave of the Fenian O’Donnovan Rossa Pádraig Mac Piarais warned the predecessors of today’s political class: “They think that they have pacified Ireland. They think that they have purchased half of us and intimidated the other half. They think that they have foreseen everything, think that they have provided against everything; but the fools, the fools, the fools! — they have left us our Fenian dead, and while Ireland holds these graves, Ireland unfree shall never be at peace.”
It is evident that the political establishemnt have not absorbed the lessons of history. They think that they can imprison an idea, that by locking up Republicans they can suppress the desire for a free and independent Ireland. Irish Republicanism has withstood centuries of repression at the hands of both the 26-County and British states. It has endured and will continue to do so because it lives in the hearts and minds of the Irish people.
Críoch/Ends
http://www.rsf.ie

4th Annual International POW-Day 2014 on October 24/25/26
The 4th Annual International Day in Support of the Irish Prisoners of War held in Maghaberry, Portlaoise, Hydebank, and Magilligan jails will be held on October 24, 25, and 26. Since 2011, the International POW-Day for Irish Republican prisoners is held annually on the last weekend of October. As last year, the POW-Day is organised by the independent “International Committee to Support the Irish Prisoners of War.”

The last weekend of October is a historical date for Irish Republicans. On October 25, 1917, the Ard-Fheis of Sinn Féin adopted a Republican Constitution. Three years later, Sinn Féin’s Lord Mayor of Cork, Terence MacSwiney, died after 74 days on hunger strike. Furthermore, Joseph Murphy died on hunger strike in Cork prison on that day. On October 27, 1980, the first H-Block hunger strike began, and on October 26, 1976, Máire Drumm, Vice-President of Sinn Féin, was murdered in the Mater Hospital, Belfast, by a loyalist death squad. Finally, on the last day of October 1973, the helicopter escape from Mountjoy jail took place.
In 2014, to mark these historical events as well as highlighting the plight of today’s Irish Republican POW’s, protests, pickets, fundraisers, and lectures will be held in Ireland, England, Scotland, Continental Europe, Canada, USA, and Australia. If you want to add a city or country to that list, contact the Organising Committee. All international organisations, Irish republican activists and their supporters are invited to join preparations to make the 4th annual POW-Day a success.
Everyone who wants to support the Irish Republican POW’s on October 24, 25, and 26, contact us as soon as possible for organising protests in your area!
E-mail: supportthepows@irish-solidarity.net
Críoch/Ends.

Liam Mellows and the Irish Revolution - History Ireland

www.historyireland.com/20th.../liam-mellows-and-the-irish-revolution/



The Blueshirts – fascism in Ireland?

This is a discussion on Near Fm’sHistory Show of the Blueshirts and fascism an anti-fascism in 1930s Ireland. Presented by Cathal Brennan and John Dorney and featuring historians Fearghal McGarry and Brian Hanley.
We discuss; The context of fascism and the collapse of democracies across Europe in the 1920s and 30s. The Irish Civil War and its legacy. Were the Blueshirts really fascists? How is the Blueshirt period remembered today?

Here is an introduction to the Blueshirts. By John Dorney.

“No Reds Here”

Pictures of Irish politics in the 1930s look disturbing. Seried ranks of the main opposition party, in quasi-military uniform, giving the fascist stiff-armed salute.
The election posters from the Irish Free State in this era also appear to show a country on the brink of another civil war – a repeat of 1922-23 conflict but this time with the European rhetoric of fascism versus of communism. Cumman na nGaedheal posters urge voters to keep out the supposedly dangerously radical Fianna Fail – “we want no red on our flag”.
Following Cumman na nGaedheal’s defeat in the 1933 election a section of the Pro-Treatyites formed the Army Comrades Association, later christened the Blueshirts – headed by charismatic former Garda commissioner Eoin O’Duffy – to uphold social order as they saw it from possible Republican terror. At the top of the organization, a number of its leadership notably O’Duffy himself, were avowed admirers of European fascism and vocal opponents of democracy.
This was at a time when European democracies, under the strain of the world economic crisis, class strife and conflict between right and left were falling like dominoes. Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Party had come to power in Germany in the same year.
The IRA - at this time loosely aligned with Fianna Fail, and from whose ranks the party had largely emerged in 1926 – was legalized by the Eamon de Valera government and its members began attacking Cumman na nGaedheal and Blueshirt rallies under a slogan of, “no free speech for traitors”. It appeared as if physical revenge for the republicans’ defeat in the 1922-23 civil war was a real possibility.

Republicans, Farmers and Fascists

The mostly conservative militarist leadership of the IRA in 1919-1923 would have been surprised to see the organization accused of being communists, but by 1933 that generation of leaders were mostly dead (like Michael Collins, Liam Lynch and others killed in the revolutionary period) or at the centre of mainstream politics like Richard Mulcahy and Frank Aiken. In the intervening years an influential faction in the anti-Treaty IRA grouped around such people as Peadar O’Donnell had indeed shifted the organization to the left, believing that a fully independent Irish Republic would not emerge without the embrace of social revolution.
Fianna Fail itself built its political support based not only on undoing the remaining ties of the Irish Free State to Britain but also of house-building, job creation and setting up state-based Irish industries.
Another dimension to the tension came when Fianna Fail stopped paying Land Annuities to Britain – a long standing national debt based on the subsidies used to buy out the old Landlord class in the Wyndham Act of 1908. Britain in return placed heavy tariffs on imported Irish beef – thus hurting the strong farmers who had been the mainstay of pro-Treaty politics since 1922.
The funeral of Blueshirt Michael Patrick Lynch
The Blueshirts, who had in the region of 30,000 members, resisted paying local rates and the land annuities (which Fianna Fail continued to collect) to the de Valera government. O’Duffy also led violent resistance to the Fianna Fail’s government policy to seize unsold cattle and to distribute the meat to the poor. In one such confrontation in Cork, a young farmer’s son and Blueshirt, Michael Patrick Lynch was shot dead by Broy’s Harriers – a republican auxiliary to the police. His funeral was a spectacular Blueshirt show of strength, complete with Roman salutes and military drill.
There was no second civil war. The Army and Garda despite their roots in the Free State forces of 1922, obeyed the new government. Talk of a military coup in 1933 by O’Duffy and others in Cumman na nGaedheal and the National Army came to nothing. But there was extensive rioting around the country between the rival factions of the Blueshirts and the IRA and a number of deaths on both sides.
Initially at least, O’Duffy’s apparent ability to mobilise thousands of Pro-Treaty supporters made him wildly popular among demoralized Cumman na nGaedheal supporters and he was made head of the new party, Fine Gael, which was formed from a merger of Cumman na nGaedheal and the National Centre Party and the Blueshirts, or as they were calling themselves by then, the National Guard.

The end of the Blueshirt crisis

However, his star was already waning. He backed down from a proposed March on Dublin (in imitation of Mussolini’s March on Rome in 1922) and his subsequent radical rhetoric – talking of bringing down Irish democracy but also invading Northern Ireland – saw him ousted as Fine Gael leader by more moderate voices led by WT Cosgrave – who subsequently reaffirmed the party’s loyalty to democratic and constitutional principles.
Some of ‘Broy’s Harriers’ – armed republicans drafted into the Garda Special Branch by the Fianna Fail government
By 1935, the most radical voices on both sides had been marginalized. De Valera banned both the Blueshirts and then the IRA. It soon became apparent that despite its populism, Fianna Fail was not in fact a vehicle for either social or Republican revolution. In 1935, de Valera worked out a deal with Britain to lower tariffs on Irish cattle and in 1938 agreed to pay off 10% of the remaining Land Annuities so that the trade in cattle could be resumed as before. In 1936, elements of both the left Republicans – by now the Republican Congress – and the Blueshirts under O’Duffy went to fight on opposite sides in the Spanish Civil War – that great symbolic battle between fascism and anti-fascism.
Today it seems barely credible that Fine Gael, today the centrist party of government, has its roots in a quasi-fascist movement or that Fianna Fail, who provided rather conservative government for most of the 20th century, could have been perceived as social revolutionaries.
The Blueshirt period was in some ways the last gasp of both the civil war and the tradition of political faction fighting in Ireland but it also had real anti-democratic menace
At one level, the Blueshirt scare of 1933-35, represented the last gasp of a traditionally Irish pattern of the 19th and early 20th century political faction fighting – Home Rulers, Sinn Feiners, All For Ireland Leaguers, Unionists and others had been brawling it out in the streets for decades at election times. It can also be seen as the last spasm of civil war violence left over from 1922-23. Some political heirs of the Blueshirts argue that they were simply defending free speech from republican intimidation, much as did the pro-Treatyites in 1922.
But Ireland was in European terms unusual in remaining democratic in the turbulent interwar period. The Blueshirts had, at their head some leaders with real anti-democratic convictions. Perhaps we should not take the peaceful resolution of Fianna Fail’s coming to power for granted.

Monday, 13 August 2012

FASCIST INTERNMENT OF IRELAND





 on Marian Price
The Prisons Crisis Group in Derry have published and new pamphlet calling for the immediate release of Marian Price. 

The 24 page booklet is the latest initiative in the long running campaign to bring about the immediate release of Marian Price.

Copies of the booklet (launched at the PFC with Paul O'Connor in the Rath Mor Centre in Creggan this morning including Eamonn Mc Cann and Betty Doherty) is now available from the PFC, Free Derry Museum, Tar Abhaile and An Culturlann.

It is also available in Belfast at Na Croisbhealaí workers' co-op. From the WSM in Dublin as well as other outlets will be published soon.

Derry Anarchists

Saturday, 12 May 2012

EURO SLAVERY Christy Moore






How Soon Do Empires Forget The Lessons of History!
The 67th Anniversary of the Victory over Nazi-Fascism

By Fidel Castro

May 11, 2012 "
Information Clearing House" -- No political event can be judged outside of the era and the circumstances in which it took place. No one even knows one percent of the fabulous history of Man; but thanks to history, we know about occurrences that go beyond the limits of the imaginable.

The privilege of having known persons, even the locations where some of the events related to the historic battle took place, augmented the interest with which I awaited the anniversary this year.

The colossal deed was fruit of the heroism of a group of peoples that the revolution and socialism had united and intertwined to put an end to the brutal exploitation that the world had been putting up with throughout the millennia. The Russians were always proud of having headed that revolution and of the sacrifices they were capable of in bringing it to fruition.

This very important anniversary of the victory could not be understood under the colours of a flag or a name other than the one that presided over the heroism of the combatants of the Great Patriotic War. Without a doubt, something untouchable and unforgettable remained: the anthem whose unforgettable notes accompanied millions of men and women to challenge death and to crush the invaders who wished to impose a thousand years of Nazism and holocaust on all humanity.

With those ideas in mind, I enjoyed the hours I dedicated to the most organized and martial procession I could ever imagine, whose protagonists were men formed in the Russian military universities.

The Yankees and the blood-thirsty NATO armies could not imagine that the crimes committed in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, the attacks on Pakistan and Syria, the threats against Iran and other Middle Eastern countries, the military bases in Latin America, Africa and Asia could take place with absolute impunity, without the world becoming aware of the unusual and crazy threat.

How soon do empires forget the lessons of history!

The military technology exhibited in Moscow on May 9th demonstrated the impressive capacity of the Russian Federation to provide a proper and varied response to the conventional and nuclear resources of imperialism.

It was just the ceremony we were waiting for on the glorious anniversary of the Soviet victory over fascism.

Fidel Castro Ruz - May 10, 2012

Is The United States An Accidental Empire? 
By The Globalist
May 10, 2012 "Information Clearing House" --  The United States was born out of a struggle against an imperial power. Beginning in the 1840s — seven decades after its founding — it embarked on a succession of "wars of choice" that were profoundly at odds with its founding principles and left it with an empire of its own. This inaugural "Thomas Paine" column looks at how American changed — and how its empire is handicapping its future.

Our present predicament didn't happen overnight. It was a long time in the making. Along the way, America changed. We forsook our birthright, we deceived ourselves and, ever so slowly, our loadstar changed from liberty to force. When it was all over, we woke up and had an empire.

The United States broke with the foreign policy of its Founders in three wars of choice. We used guns to annex two-fifths of Mexico. We used guns to remove Spain from its colonies in the Caribbean and the Philippines. We used guns to replace Germany as the leading military power in Europe.

In the seven decades between the start of the Mexican-American war in 1848 and America entering World War I in 1917, the die was cast.

We didn't go to war with Mexico, Spain and Germany to defend ourselves. President James Polk proclaimed it was our Manifest Destiny to redraw our southern border to include almost half of Mexico. Likewise, President McKinley thought it was our Manifest Destiny to replace Spain as a colonial power in Cuba and the Philippines. In World War I, President Woodrow Wilson repackaged Manifest Destiny as saving the world for democracy.

War no longer needed to be justified as defending our country. War was now justified as promoting democracy around the world. Americans were now a force for good in the world.

The U.S. Constitution was subverted in the wars against Mexico, Spain and Germany. Yes, Congress declared war in the Mexican-American War, the Spanish-American War and World War I. But the legitimacy of the congressional declaration was undermined by Presidential lies:

Americans weren't attacked on American soil, as President Polk claimed. In fact, volunteer American soldiers were attacked on Mexican soil.

The Spanish didn't sink our ship in Havana, as President McKinley claimed.

The Germans sunk our ship, but President Wilson didn't mention the American guns on board which violated our declared neutrality. Wilson's Secretary of State resigned in protest.

Each of these presidential lies was an impeachable offense. There were no impeachment proceedings. We just looked the other way.

These three wars of choice redefined American exceptionalism into something very different from what the Founders intended. We were no longer exceptional because of our unique form of government. The federal government no longer existed to protect the sovereignty of the individual.

The government now existed to promote democracy abroad. Never mind that the American republic was never a democracy. (The Constitution established a republic. The Founders rejected democracy because it didn't protect the individual from the tyranny of the majority.)

Each war of choice made the next one easier. President Polk's decision to take the country to war against Mexico made President McKinley's decision to go to war against Spain seem less unreasonable. It is hard to imagine President Wilson taking the country to war against Germany if Polk and McKinley hadn't gotten their wars.

Now the Constitution was turned upside down. We were set on a trajectory that turned the government against citizens. Wilson tolerated no war dissent and severely limited civil liberties.

We could have turned back to the foreign policy of the Founders. Mexico was no existential threat to the United States. But the war was popular and Polk gave the people what they wanted and made the country richer. We could have stopped there.

The little war with Spain was avoidable, too. But that war was also popular, cost-free and journalism became an accomplice in war. We could have stopped there. But wars of choice had become a habit for ambitious Presidents — and Wilson was ambitious.

Wilson's decision to take the country to war against Germany was far-reaching. The rapid rise of Germany was a reality that the major powers in Europe had to recognize. The Germans built an economy greater in size than the combined economies of France, England and Russia. Rather than let the Europeans find their own solution, Wilson decided to enter into an "entangling alliance" against Germany.

Unlike the two earlier wars of choice, World War I became unpopular at home. Fifty-thousand Americans gave their lives to fight the Kaiser. Clemenceau and Lloyd George ran circles around Wilson at the Versailles peace conference. Wilson lost the peace and the Versailles Treaty was rejected by the U.S. Senate.

World War I made World War II inevitable. Wilson's war of choice created Roosevelt's war of necessity. The French and English demanded onerous reparations from Germany. The ensuing inflation destroyed the Germany economy. Hitler rose to power by exploiting the political backlash inside Germany. The Second World War was a continuation of the unfinished business of the First.

World War II laid the foundation for an American empire. Six million Jews and 30 million Russians perished. This led to the creation of Israel and the outbreak of the Cold War. The United States took over British bases around the globe, and our forward presence gave impetus to bin Laden, 9/11 and the permanent war on terrorism.

The 120 million who perished in these 20th-century conflicts died mostly because of the failure of the existing major powers to accommodate the new strength of Germany on the European continent.
The solutions to yesterday's problems create today's problems. We live with the choices made by those who went before us. Looking back, Woodrow Wilson was the worst President in American history: His intervention in the First World War was the equivalent of a European power coming to the United States during the Civil War and saying South wins, North loses.
Now the Germans are back in the driver's seat in Europe. The Germans are once again dominating the economy of Europe. The United States is sidelined by the weakness of our economy and our staggering debt. We have lost our way and don't know how to get out of the empire business.
This article was first published at The Globalist



Poverty in Ireland: the facts

Author: 
Brian O’ Boyle
Ordinary people hardly need to be told that times are tough. Irish living standards have been absolutely decimated over the last four years and now we have the statistical evidence to prove it.
According to the Central Statistics Office Survey on Incomes and Living Conditions (SILC) for example, around 250,000 Irish people are now living in consistent poverty.
This is up by over 50% from the 160,000 deemed to be in absolute poverty in 2009 as a combination of welfare cuts and service reductions take their toll on the most vulnerable.
Alongside absolute poverty, around 1 million Irish people (23%) now experience some form of deprivation.
Deprivation occurs when someone has a lack of basic necessities at least once during the course of a year.
This can happen across the board, but children are particularly vulnerable with one in five kids going to school hungry on a consistent basis.
Perhaps the most shocking statistic to come out of the SILC report concerns the growing gap between rich and poor.
The elites in this country have been very good at pleading poverty.
But the SILC report tells a very different story, with the top 10% of Irish households actually increasing their disposable income by 8% since 2009 at the same time as the poorest 10% lost 26% of their disposable income.
This truly is a case of the rich getting rich at the expense of the poor and a second study carried out by Social Justice Ireland has found similar results.
The headline figure in the Social Justice report found that there are over 700,000 Irish people in poverty.
This is defined as having less than €10,000 for a single person or €24,000 for a family of four, and it comes in the same month as the Sunday Times Rich List revealed that Ireland’s richest 300 people increased their wealth by €12,000 million over the course of two years.
From an average of around €165 million per person each of these people now has around €210 million.
Every cut to schools, hospitals and welfare could have been avoided if these incredibly rich people had been forced to contribute to the welfare of society.
Instead our children’s futures are daily being sacrificed so that the mega rich can continue to accumulate.
April 25, 2012 - 10:53
Topics: 
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